Delegitimise and Devalue Nuclear Weapons

In evaluating the argument that for global nuclear disarmament to be possible, norms that delegitimise and devalue nuclear weapons are needed, we first need to understand norms and their difference from injunctions (legal or moral), and the emergence of norms. Norms may be defined as, a principle of right action binding upon the members of a group and serving to guide, control, or regulate proper and acceptable behaviour. Norms comprise both of behaviour, observable recurrent patterns, as well as beliefs and expectations. Social norms can emerge through human design as well as an unintended outcome of uncoordinated human action. The crucial element sustaining the norm is the presence of conditional preferences for conformity. Only the joint presence of a conditional preference for conformity, and the belief that other people will conform to a particular ideal, will produce an agreement between normative beliefs and behaviour.

That the establishment of norms devaluing and delegitimising nuclear weapons could go a long way in paving the path towards global nuclear disarmament has often been argued. There are various reasons to not expect the linear progression as imagined in the hypothesis.

The first, and the strongest argument available, pertains to the prestige and utility value of nuclear weapons and how they provide weaker powers security against bigger and stronger powers. The norm of non-use of nuclear weapons that developed after its use in Hiroshima and Nagasaki is a taboo that precludes the possession of nuclear weapons. In fact, the normative taboo with regard to use of nuclear weapons notwithstanding, there are more states who have rushed to possess nuclear weapons than the ones who have given up. Nuclear weapons remain an insurance for states seeking parity with superior powers (Pakistan-India; India-China; China-United States) and for states seeking security against regime change (North Korea).  

When the utility value of possessing nuclear weapons for the above set of states is examined, it seems that the normative considerations have not been and would not be enough to stop them in their pursuit. States such as Brazil, South Africa or Argentina, that have given up the nuclear weapons option have been states whose security calculus had no value of the possession of nuclear weapons. However, the states whose security imperatives called for the utility of nuclear weapons, have gone ahead (Israel, India, Pakistan) and the others (North Korea, Iran) have assiduously moved towards the goal, despite the threat of the US. As long as the utility of the possession of nuclear weapons remains, normative conditions will be difficult to satisfy. This, by far, would be the strongest argument against the development of norms against nuclear weapons and its success in terms of moving towards global disarmament.

The example of the taboo against chemical weapons, which is used as the successful precedent for suggesting a similar course of action for nuclear weapons, may have its own problems. As to how the norm against chemical weapons came to be accepted is a matter of a rich debate with insights from varied perspectives. Even if we assume that we can decipher the trajectory by which the taboo against chemical weapons emerged and replicate them, it would be a matter of conjecture as to how successful the efforts would be. It is important to remember that it took almost a century for the taboo against chemical weapons to be an accepted norm; and almost half of this century was also the period of the discovery of atomic power and the threat of nuclear annihilation. Yet, the taboo concerning nuclear weapons was a taboo against its use and not directed at its utility and possession.  

The search for a normative understanding for doing away with nuclear weapons also takes away attention from the current issues of concern. It is like an intellectual black hole in which all measures concerning nuclear issues can be lost. While global nuclear disarmament has not been achieved, the range of arms control measures and treaty agreements have fulfilled a function, even if through unequal perpetuation of the nuclear divide, and can perhaps serve as building blocks for the emergence of norms. Efforts towards global nuclear disarmament cannot wait for norms, but such measures should continue at their pace and needs, and the consensus on issues. These, in turn, could pave the way for the emergence of norms delegitimising and devaluing nuclear weapons.

                               

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Peace in Afghanistan

Introduction

Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari were in London on 03 February 2013 for a trilateral summit meeting with the British Prime Minister David Cameron. The current talks in London were the third in the series with the first two having been held in 2012. The inaugural meeting was in Kabul in July, which was then followed by a meeting at the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in September. In the London talks, the Pakistani and Afghan army and intelligence chiefs took part for the first time. It was reported that the Afghan and Pakistani military and intelligence officials also met informally on 03 February ahead of the summit.

The Afghan peace process, primed by the release of Taliban detainees by Pakistan, had not been progressing as hoped by all stakeholders. On the other hand, Pakistan in return for the Taliban detainees it had released, expected further cooperation from Afghanistan including a role in training of Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF). Some analyst also felt UK was best placed to resolve the issue of the Durand Line which has never been officially recognized by Kabul, and has been a major cause of tension between the two countries.

Issues

Leading up to the London trilateral, there were two events of significance after the Paris peace talks in December 2012. First was the visit by Karzai to Washington where he and President Obama announced on 11January that a negotiating office for the Taliban would be opened in Qatar. However Karzai, on return to Kabul, said there will be no deal until Qatar meets his earlier stated conditions in writing. Second was the core group meeting in Dubai where the Pakistan‘s foreign secretary had said that Pakistan plans to release all Afghan Taliban prisoners still in its custody.

The Afghan President in his imitable manner set the tone for the trilateral meet with an interview to the Guardian and ITV released late on 03 February. He suggested that Pakistan was preventing the Taliban from entering into peace talks with his government. Karzai also said that the biggest threat to peace in Afghanistan was not the Taliban, but meddling from foreign powers. He took a swipe at the British when he remarked that Helmand situation and security was better before British troops were deployed there in 2006.Hinting at the Taliban safe havens in Pakistan he added that the drawdown of Western troops appeared to have been because they had realised that “they were fighting in the wrong place.”

Taliban for Talks

The US has tried to accelerate the peace process by working with Britain, Norway and Germany to reach out to the Taliban.  All these efforts were to work around the Taliban demands for changing the Afghan constitution, withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan and the most uncomfortable of their entire refusal to recognize the Afghan government while being more amenable to negotiating directly with US.

Taliban Office

The heart of the disagreement regarding opening of Taliban office in Doha is Karzai's demand that Qatar produce a written memorandum of understanding agreeing to his preconditions. These demands include assurances that the office would not be used for any “political purpose” other than direct negotiations with Afghanistan, that it have a fixed time frame and be closed if talks do not take place, and that all Taliban negotiators provide “documentation” proving they are legitimate representatives.Qatar has not agreed on the demands of Karzai Administration that the office should be closed down within six months if Taliban do not start direct talks with HPC.

Release of Detainees

Pakistan’s lack of monitoring the whereabouts and activities of Taliban prisoners it released in recent months as frustrated Afghanistan. Pakistan says doesn't have the resources to keep track of the freed detainees. The HPC had handed Pakistan the list of prisoners, including Turabi, that it wanted freed. They have also asked for the release of the Taliban’s former second in command, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, but Washington has urged Pakistan not to release him. There are indications that at least more than half might have rejoined the ranks of the insurgency. In some cases, the released Taliban resorted to suicide attacks. Further Pakistan had released more detainees than Afghanistan had asked for. There has been at least one report of tension between Taliban leadership as a released Taliban leader asked to be reinstated to his former post. The US Embassy in Kabul has called for “responsible release” of Taliban prisoners and that it was up to Afghanistan and Pakistan to reach to a solution.

US Interests

Top on the US agenda is jump-starting the peace and reconciliation process which is not in-step with its drawdown plans and its exit strategy. Without a meaningful outcome of the political planned in Afghanistan, the US fears will again be accused of abandoning the region, just as it was at the end of the Soviet Union's Afghan occupation in the early 1990s. Worse, if a civil war breaks out, it may do an ‘Iraq’ in South Asia. In addition, U.S. hopes of positioning a post-withdrawal counterterrorism force in Afghanistan while in the near term negotiations are critical to secure the release of Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl, the only U.S. service member known to be a Taliban captive.

Pakistani Demands

Pakistanis want a secure Afghan border, an end to the Balochistan insurgency, coordinated action against anti-Pakistan guerrillas in both countries and reduction of Indian role in Afghanistan. According BBC News, Pakistan does not want a repeat of the 1989 pullout by Soviet forces, which left Kabul in the hands of what it regarded as "unfriendly" forces. It fears this may extend Indian influence to its western border.

Trilateral Summit

Following talks the joint statement issued from Downing Street said, "All sides agreed on the urgency of this work and committed themselves to take all necessary measures to achieve the goal of a peace settlement over the next six months." They urged the Taliban to join the reconciliation process in Afghanistan. Cameron said both Karzai and Zardari had agreed at the summit to initiate 'an unprecedented level of co-operation' between their nations and they hoped to sign an agreement strengthening ties on economic and security issues, including trade and border management, later in the year. He added that discussions at the summit had focused on ways of advancing the Afghan-led peace process as well as strengthening relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Outcome

All sides affirmed support for the opening of a Taliban office in Doha for the purpose of negotiations with the HPC. They called on the Taliban to take steps necessary to open an office and to enter into dialogue. However there were reports that Pakistan viewed the Afghan conditions as detrimental to further progress on the peace talks. Another significant commitment was to “strengthen co-ordination of Taliban detainee releases from Pakistani custody.” In future Islamabad will send the list of the Taliban inmates to the HPC that would be released from Pakistani prisons. It had been speculated that the Afghan Government will indirectly recognize the Durand Line in a pact “titled Border Management and Strategic Agreement”, and in turn Pakistan shall push the Taliban for peace. As per Afghan media when the US pressurized Pakistan for supporting insurgents, General Kayani justified Pakistani action in a 100-page report claiming that NATO, India and Afghanistan wanted to divide Pakistan. The Afghan presidential spokesman, on 10 Feb clarified that the issue of the Durand Line had not been discussed at the trilateral.

Transitional Government

It has also been reported that the Pakistan’s delegation during the London talks demanded that negotiations be carried out between Afghan political groups and Taliban to establish a new legitimate administration in Kabul. It is said that Pakistani delegation had told President Karzai that they were not able to get the Taliban to accept the Afghan Constitution and the Afghan Government, therefore, there is a need to establish a ‘new political system’.12 According to sources, Pakistan held a meeting between warlords, Hezb-e-Islami and the Taliban commanders in the Shamshatoo Refugee Camp in Pakistan where the establishment of a transitional Government in Afghanistan was discussed.

An Afghan Taliban spokesman on Wednesday dismissed the outcome of a conference in London and said that the conference and other “horse trading” were “the real obstacles of effective and fruitful negotiations between the factual sides”.14 The US on its part said that it supports the Pak-Afghan deadline for finalising a peace deal with the Taliban and urges insurgents to open a reconciliation post in Qatar. Such a process was “the surest way to end the violence and ensure lasting stability in Afghanistan and in the region”. “Our goal here has been to support the creation of a process to make it possible … for willing Taliban participants to talk directly to the Afghan High Peace Council”.

The trilateral was followed by two visits. First was a two-day visit by the British Defense Secretary Philip Hammond to southern Afghanistan to visit U.K. troops on 05 Feb 13. He also met with new Afghan Defense Minister Bismillah Mohammadi in Kabul. 16 The second visit was by Pakistani Prime Minister Ashraf to meet David Cameron on February 12, 2013. During the meeting, the two leaders discussed matters of bilateral interest including the aftermath in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of NATO troops. Prime Minister Ashraf also put in a bid for military hardware for Pakistan. The meeting also covered Indo-Pakistan relations apart from discussions on matters of bilateral and international importance. Cameron, hailing the recently concluded trilateral meeting, said that Pakistan’s role was constructive and he would be visiting Pakistan this summer to carry the process forward.

Assessment

The trilateral summit meets are organised taking in consideration certain ground realities. For one it is not possible to discuss Afghanistan with India and Pakistan in the same forum. Therefore, US conducts a trilateral involving India while the UK manages one with Pakistan. Second, UK has been more active in dealing with the Taliban representatives and involving them in the power sharing mechanism in Kabul( since the Saudi organised peace talks in 2009) and the same time it mitigates the turbulent relationship Pakistan shares with US particularly for the political constituency in Pakistan. The present meet involved the military and intelligence chiefs giving due recognition to the various power centres in Pakistan, and possibly signaling a more direct and on the table approach to speed up the process.

Although the Taliban appear more ready to talk than ever before, peace talks remain tenuous on account of a rising number of interlocutors on either side — all trying to get some kind of negotiations started with various combinations of stakeholders. Reportedly, members of the Taliban are in contact with representatives from 30 to 40 different countries. Recent informal talks in Doha had the intervention of a Pakistani politician Mullah Fazlur Rahman and Yusuf al-Qaradawi who has contacts with the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. The timeline of six months set by the trilateral summit, deemed overly optimistic by most experts, is most probably derived from the imperative to get the Taliban to participate in the upcoming provincial and Presidential elections in Afghanistan and the filing of nominations for the same. There is also this need to settle the border issue and Pakistani requirements at the earliest to get on with the peace process in right earnest.

Second, the idea of the transitional government being introduced into the peace process aims at finding a way around the Taliban’s refusal to deal directly with the Karzai government. The idea of transitional government also puts pressure on the Afghan government to dilute its demands concerning the Taliban office in Qatar.

Another issue of note is the Pakistani demand of weapons from UK. The armaments in question would most likely be those being moved out of Afghanistan by the British troops as a part of their drawdown. Pakistan has made a similar demand to the US coinciding with the move of the first lot of containers from Afghanistan through Pakistan. Third is the Pakistani desperation to get the SPA through comes from the fact that NATO/ISAF countries are basing their training mission in Afghanistan post- 2014 on their respective SPAs signed with Afghanistan. India, unlike Pakistan, having signed an SPA with Afghanistan is better placed to ramp up its training role post- 2014. India has viewed with unease the British efforts to push through the SPA between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

It is widely believed that British interlocutors had a leading role in the drafting of the five-point peace process roadmap for Afghanistan which mainly addresses Pakistan and Taliban interests in the region. There is a sense that the elements of the erstwhile Northern Alliance, more favourable aligned to India, are being sidelined in the peace process. India is also uncomfortable with the distinction US has made between Al-Qaeda and other militant groups operating in the region for pushing through the peace process. Taliban, TTP, IMU etc may not pose any threat to the US but they definitely have security implications for India.

Indian apprehensions also stem from the fact that it believes the entire peace process is Pakistan-centric and does not address the regional concerns. To that end India is contemplating talks with Russia and China to give the peace process a more regional outlook. India is also of the opinion that due consideration must be given to the interests of countries which are investing, particularly in the infrastructure sector, in Afghanistan. India feels that British intervention through a hastily-cobbled deal between Afghanistan and Pakistan including bringing the Taliban into the power structure in Kabul, aims to give the NATO and the US an honourable exit from Afghanistan.

Conclusion

When viewed favourably it can be said that the London trilateral represented a convergence of three of the most important players in Afghanistan on the urgency of resolving issues and making efforts towards peace through a political settlement. The big question however remains whether Karzai has accepted the need to have a Taliban office in Doha sans conditions and in turn his demand to be the sole Afghan interlocutor with the Taliban has been accepted by the other concerned parties.

                                                                                                                                 Monish Gulati

अंतरराष्ट्रीय महिला दिवस

अंतरराष्ट्रीय महिला दिवस प्रत्येक वर्ष 8 मार्च को दुनिया भर में मनाया जाता है.. इस दिन विश्व की तमाम महिलाएं अपने देश, क्षेत्र, जात-पात, भेष-भाषा, और राजनीतिक, सांस्कृतिक भेदभाव की सीमा को पार कर एकजुट होकर इस दिवस को बड़े ही उत्साह के साथ मनाती है.. इस दिन स्त्री की प्रेम, स्नेह व मातृत्व की ममता के साथ ही शक्तिसंपन्न स्त्री की मूर्ति भी सामने आती है.. आपको मालूम हो कि इक्कीसवीं सदी की महिलाओं ने खुद की शक्ति को पहचान लिया है और काफ़ी हद तक अपने अधिकारों के लिए लड़ना भी सीख लिया है..

 वर्तमान परिवेश में तो वे पुरुषों के साथ कंधा से कंधा मिलाकर देश के तमाम गतिविघियों में हिस्सा भी ले रहीं है.. अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय महिला दिवस मनाने की शुरूआत 1900 के आरंभ में हुई थी.. वर्ष 1908 में न्यूयार्क की एक कपड़ा मिल में काम करने वाली तकरीबन 15 हजार महिलाओं ने काम के घंटे कम करने, बेहतर वेतन और वोट का अधिकार देने के लिए प्रदर्शन किया था.. इसी क्रम में 1909 में अमेरिका की ही सोशलिस्ट पार्टी ने पहली बार ”नेशनल वुमन-डे” मनाया था... वर्ष 1910 में डेनमार्क के कोपेनहेगन में कामकाजी महिलाओं की अंतरराष्ट्रीय कॉन्फ्रेंस हुई, जिसमें अंतरराष्ट्रीय स्तर पर महिला दिवस मनाने का फैसला लिया गया और 1911 में पहली बार 19 मार्च को अंतरराष्ट्रीय महिला दिवस मनाया गया.. इसे सशक्तिकरण का रूप देने के लिए ऑस्ट्रिया, डेनमार्क, जर्मनी और स्विट्जरलैंड में लाखों महिलाओं ने रैलियां निकाली.. बाद में वर्ष 1913 में महिला दिवस की तारीख ग्रिगेरियन कैलेंडर के हिसाब से 8 मार्च कर दी गई.. तब से ये प्रत्येक साल 8 मार्च को दुनिया भर में महिला दिवस के रूप में मनाया जाता है..

महिला सशक्तिकरण की शुरुआत भी संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ द्वारा 8 मार्च ,1975 को अंतर्राष्ट्रीय महिला दिवस से ही मानी जाती हैं.. फिर महिला सशक्तिकरण की पहल 1985 में महिला अंतर्राष्ट्रीय सम्मलेन नैरोबी में की गई.. महिला सशक्तिकरण का उद्देश्य महिलाओ की प्रगति और उनमें आत्मविश्वास का संचार करना हैं...

भारत में भी महिलाओं को अधिकार दिलाने के लिए और उन्हें सशक्त करने के लिए बहुत पहले से कार्य किए जा रहे हैं. इस कार्य की शुरुआत राजा राममोहन राय, केशव चन्द्र सेन, ईश्वर चन्द्र विद्यासागर एवं स्वामी विवेकानन्द जैसे महापुरुषों ने की थी जिनके प्रयासों से नारी में संघर्ष क्षमता का आरम्भ होना शुरू हो गया था. इसी क्रम को और आगे बढ़ाया अन्य नेताओं ने... इन सब के साथ महिला सशक्तिकरण की राह में गैर सरकारी संगठनों के प्रयासों को भी नहीं नकारा जा सकता..

महिला सशक्तिकरण से जुड़े तमाम पहलुओं को देखकर ऐसा लगता है कि महिला सशक्तिकरण के लिए समाज कितना जागरुक है और इसके लिए कितने बड़े-बड़े कार्य हो रहे हैं. लेकिन जमीनी हकीकत किसी कड़वे सच्चाई से कम नहीं है... दुनिया भर में नारी सशक्तिकरण की गूंज और समता, समानता, आजादी के नारे तथा तमाम महिला संगठनों की सक्रियता एवं प्रगतिशील प्रयास के बावजूद भी पुरुष प्रधान समाज में नारी की स्थिति में कोई खास बदलाव नहीं है.. और आज भी समाज में महिलाएं दोयम दर्जे की जिंदगी गुजारने को मजबूर हैं.. हालांकि भारतीय संविधान ने तो नारी को पुरुष के समकक्ष माना है और इसके लिए संविधान में उपबंध भी किया है.. इसके बावजूद भारतीय राजनीति में आजादी के 65 वर्षों बाद भी महिला की भागीदारी बहुत कम है और आज भी महिलाओं को संसद और विधानसभा में 33 प्रतिशत आरक्षण का इंतजार है.. हालांकि विदेशों में आज महिलाएं जरुर कुछ हद तक सशक्तिकरण की राह पर चली हैं और आगे बढ़ी हैं लेकिन वहां भी उनके साथ होने वाले यौनिक अत्याचारों में कमी नहीं आई है..

मुस्लिम बहुल इलाके के लिए तो महिला सशक्तिकरण की बात करना बिलकुल बेमानी होगा, क्योंकि आज भी महिलाओं का दुनिया में सबसे ज्यादा शोषण मुस्लिम देशों में ही होता है.. जहां पर्दा और बुरके के अंदर महिलाओं को बांध कर रखा जाता है... अगर किसी महिला की अपने अधिकार के लिए आवाज उठ गई तो यह देश उस स्त्री को सरेआम मौत दे देते हैं... तुगलकी फरमानों का सितम हमेशा महिलाओं पर ही टूटता है.. इन देशों में न जाने कब महिला सशक्तिकरण की बयार चलेगी? जो लोग महिलाओं की जागरुकता की बात करते हैं वे कभी इन देशों में जाते ही नहीं हैं और न ही इनकी बात करते हैं क्योंकि उन्हें मालूम है कि इन देशों में महिला सशक्तिकरण एक सपना है, जिसे पूरा करने के लिए एक क्रांति की आवश्यक्ता है...

वर्तमान परिवेश में अंतरराष्ट्रीय महिला दिवस के मौके पर हमारे आगे कई ऐसी चुनैतियां हैं जिनका हमें सामना करना है. हमें समझना होगा कि मुठ्ठी भर महिलाओं के उत्थान करने से पूरे नारी समाज का कल्याण नहीं हो सकता, अगर महिलाओं को सशक्त करना है तो पहले समाज को जागरुक बनाना होगा.

आज चारो तरफ महिलाओं को लेकर अलग-अलग मुद्दों पर बहस चल रही है। मगर इन सबके बीच एक ऐसा मुद्दा है जो रहा तो हाशिए पर है लेकिन कभी बदलाव के लिये सुर्खियों में नहीं आ सका है। जी हां हम बात कर रहे हैं महिलाओं पर तेजाब फेंके जाने का मुद्दा जो शायद ही कभी अखबारों या न्‍यूज चैनलों की हेडलाइन बनी हों। अभी कुछ दिन पहले की बात करें तो चेन्‍नई में विनोदिनी ने दम तोड़ दिया। उसपर एक व्‍यक्ति ने बीते वर्ष नवबंर माह में तेजाब फेंक दिया था। तीन माह तक वो जख्‍मों से लड़ती रही और अंत में मौत ने जिंदगी पर विजय हासिल कर लिया। कुछ अखबारों और लोकल न्‍यूज चैनलों में खबरें छपी जरुर मगर कोई हल्‍ला नहीं हुआ। भारत सहित दक्षिण एशियाई देशों में ऐसीड अटैक (तेजाबी हमला) बेहद गंभीर समस्या है। यह हमला सिर्फ महिला के चेहरे को ही खराब नहीं करता बल्कि उसकी आंखों की रोशनी छीन लेता है। सबसे बड़ी बात यह है कि इस हमले के बाद समाज उस पीडि़ता को दोयम दर्ज का नागरिक बना देता है। हो सकता है उसकी जान ना जाए मगर जिंदगी बेहद बोझिल और दर्दनाक होकर रह जाती है।

इस हमले के बाद जिस्‍म पर लगे घाव तो सबको दिखते हैं मगर पीडि़ता के ज़हन पर लगे घाव किसी को नजर नहीं आता। आत्मनिर्भर और जिंदादिली से भरपूर एक औरत देखते ही देखते असहाय, दूसरों पर आश्रित महिला बन जाती है। और हो भी क्‍यों ना? विकृत चेहरे से समझौता कर पाना आसान नहीं होता। इस पर कोई आधिकारिक आंकड़ें तो नहीं मिल पाए लेकिन भारत में भी पिछले एक दशक में तेजाब हमलों में वृद्धि हुई है। स्वयंसेवी संस्था एसिड सरवाइवल ट्रस्ट इंटरनेशनल ( एएसटीआई) के मुताबिक भारत में हर साल एसिड अटैक के करीब 500 मामले होते हैं। हालांकि इस जघन्‍य और नरकीय घटना के आधिकारिक आंकड़ें तो मौजूद नहीं है मगर भारत में पिछले एक दशक में तेजाबी हमलों में बढ़ोत्‍तरी हुई है। स्वयंसेवी संस्था एसिड सरवाइवल ट्रस्ट इंटरनेशनल (एएसटीआई) के मुताबिक भारत में हर साल एसिड अटैक के करीब 500 मामले होते हैं। बीबीसी ने पिछले कुछ दिनों में तेजाबी हमलों की शिकार हुई महिलाओं से बात कर उनकी आप बीती जानने की कोशिश की। जितनी भी पीडि़ताओं से बात की गई सबने एक ही बात कही कि तेजाब से हुआ हमला जिस्म ही नहीं ज़हन को भी अंदर तक छलनी कर जाता है। एसिड सर्वाइवर्स ट्रस्ट इंटरनेशनल के अनुसार दुनिया के करीब 23 देशों में हाल के वर्षों में एसिड हमलों की घटनाएं हुईं। इनमें अमेरिका, ब्रिटेन, ऑस्ट्रेलिया जैसे विकसित देशों के भी नाम हैं। लेकिन ये इन देशों में दूसरी जगहों की अपेक्षा हमलों की संख्या बेहद कम है। महिलाओं पर एसिड हमलों की सबसे अधिक घटनाएँ भारत, पाकिस्तान, अफ़ग़ानिस्तान, बांग्लादेश के अलावा कंबोडिया में दर्ज की गई हैं। आमतौर पर इस हमले की शिकार महिलाएं होती हैं। या फिर ये कहें कि इस हमले की शिकार महिलाएं ही होती हैं तो कोई अतिश्‍योक्ति नहीं होगी। घरेलू हिंसा हो या फिर टूटा प्रेम संबंध हर मामले में गाज महिला पर ही गिरती है। कई मामलों में देखा जाता है कि दोषी जमानत पर रिहा हो जाते हैं और उनकी जिंदगी आगे बढ़ जाती है। जबकि पीड़ित की जिंदगी वहीं की वहीं थम कर रह जाती है। लेकिन इस सब के बावजूद भारत जैसे देशों में एसिड अटैक के मामले सुर्खियों से दूर और सरकारी निगाह से परे कहीं भटकते रहते हैं। तेजाब हमलों की घटनाएं: नवंबर 2012- पाकिस्तान प्रशासित कश्मीर में बेटी पर तेजाब फेंका। मार्च 2012- इंग्लैंड में नस्लवादी हमले में एक काली महिला पर तेजाब फेंका। फरवरी 2012- इंग्लैंड में एक मॉडल पर उसके पूर्व बॉयफ्रेंड ने तेजाब फिंकवाया। 2007- कंबोडिया की 23 साल की विवियाना पर हमला। चेहरा, हाथ और छाती जली। 2004- ईरान में शादी के लिए मना करने पर 24 साल की अमेना पर लड़के ने तेजाब फेंका। फरवरी 2013- फरीदाबाद में छात्रा पर तेजाब फेंक देना दिसंबर 2012- लखनऊ में किशोरी पर तेजाबी हमला जून 2012- पाकिस्‍तान में दो महिलाओं पर तेजाब फेंका गया तेजाबी हमलों को रोकने के लिए कानून एसिड या तेजाब से हमला होने की सूरत में भारत में कोई सशक्त कानून नहीं है। यूं तो ऐसे अपराध भारतीय दंड संहिता की धारा 329, 322 और 325 के तहत दर्ज होते हैं। लेकिन इसके अलावा पीडि़तों के इलाज, पुनर्वास और काउंसलिंग के लिए भी सरकार की तरफ से कोई व्यवस्था नहीं है, जबकि ऐसे हादसों में पीडि़त को अपूरणीय क्षति उठानी पड़ती है। इन हादसों का मन-मस्तिष्क पर लंबे समय तक विपरीत प्रभाव बना रहता है। लचर कानून व्यवस्था से बढ़ रहा है तेजाबी हमला दोषियों का छूट जाना। तेजाब की बिक्री में रेगोलूशन नहीं। पीड़ितों के इलाज की जिम्मेदारी किसकी। पीड़ितों के मनोवैज्ञानिक और आर्थिक पुनर्वास की समस्या। आज शुरू हुई मुहिम एसिड अटैक जैसे जघन्‍य अपराध के खिलाफ एक मुहिम आज ही महिला दिवस के मौके पर शुरू हुई है। इस मुहिम के 13 सिपाहियों को वनइंडिया सलाम करता है। इस टीम के 13 सदस्‍य हैं- 1. समाज सेविका अर्चना कुमारी, जो एक तेजाबी हमले की पीडि़ता हैं! 2. आलोक दीक्षित, पत्रकार-समाज सेवक। 3. सपना भवनानी, जिन्‍हें आपने हाल ही में बिगबॉस में देखा। 4. असीम त्रिवेदी, जाने माने काटूर्निस्‍ट हैं। 5. मनीषा पांडे, दिल्‍ली की पत्रकार हैं। 6. अनुराग द्विवेदी, इंजीनियर हैं। 7. आशीष तिवारी, पत्रकार एवं कवि हैं। 8. मनीषा कुलश्रेष्‍ठ, हिन्‍दी लेखिका हैं। 9. आशीष शुक्‍ला, पत्रकार हैं। 10. नीतेष श्रीवास्‍तव, फिल्‍म मेकर एवं टेक्निक मास्‍टर हैं। 11. श्रेया मजुमदार, दिल्‍ली की पत्रकार हैं। 12. शमीम जकारिया, टीवी पत्रकार। 13. मनोरमा सिंह, वरिष्‍ठ पत्रकार हैं। इन सभी ने मिलकर इंटरनेट पर एक वेबसाइट के माध्‍यम से मुहिम शुरू की है। वेबसाइट का नाम है http://www.stopacidattacks.org/

सरकार ने आज देश का पहला महिला डाकघर खोला। राष्ट्रीय राजधानी के शास्त्री भवन में खुले इस डाकघर में सभी कर्मचारी महिलाएं हैं। सरकार ने इस तरह की और शाखाएं खोलने की योजना की भी घोषणा की।
दूरसंचार और सूचना प्रौद्योगिकी मंत्री कपिल सिब्बल ने कहा, आने वाले दिनों में मुझे विश्वास है, देशभर में महिलाओं की सुविधाओं के लिए और महिला डाकघर खोला जाएगा। अंतरराष्ट्रीय महिला दिवस के मौके पर देश में पहला महिला शाखा का उद्घाटन करते हुए उन्होंने कहा कि नए डाकघर का परिचालन पूरी तरह महिला कर्मचारी करेंगी और अन्य डाकघरों में मौजूद सभी सुविधाएं यहां उपलब्ध होंगी।सिब्बल ने कहा, यह देश का पहला डाकघर है, जहां सभी कर्मचारी महिलाएं होंगी। सरकार उन समस्याओं पर गौर कर रही है, जिसका सामना महिलाओं को करना पड़ता है और उस दिशा में यह एक सांकेतिक कदम है। वित्त वर्ष 2013-14 के बजट में अक्तूबर के अंत तक महिला बैंक स्थापित करने की घोषणा की गई है।डाक विभाग की सचिव पी गोपीनाथ ने कहा कि विभाग की इस प्रकार का डाकघर हर महानगर में खोलने की योजना है और बाद में इसे उन सभी बड़े शहरों में खोला जाएगा जहां कामकाजी महिलाओं की संख्या ज्यादा है।

उन्होंने कहा, जब महिलाएं आपास में बातचीत करती हैं तो उनमें अलग संतोष का बोध होता है। इन सभी बातों को ध्यान में रखकर हम उन जगहों पर डाकघर खोलेंगे जहां बड़ी संख्या में महिलाएं हैं। हमने शुरू में ऐसा डाकघर खोलने के लिये मुंबई, चेन्नई, चंडीगढ़, लखनऊ, हैदराबाद तथा बेंगलुरु की पहचान की है। गोपीनाथ ने कहा कि विभाग पुरानी दिल्ली में एक पखवाड़े के भीतर और महिला डाकघर खोलेगा।

विदेश व्यानपार नीति 2009-14 के वार्षिक परिशिष्टो 2012-13 के नीतिगत उपाय

केंद्रीय वाणिज्य एवं उद्योग तथा कपड़ा मंत्रालय द्वारा विदेश व्यापार नीति 2009-14 के वार्षिक परिशिष्‍ट 2012-13 के नीतिगत उपायों की घोषणा 5 जून 2012 को की गई. विदेश व्‍यापार नीति 2009-14 के वार्षिक परिशिष्‍ट 2012-13 के नीतिगत उपायों की घोषणा के तहत निर्यातकों को आयात शुल्क में मिलने वाली छूट का इस्तेमाल पहली बार उत्पाद शुल्क के रूप में करने की घोषणा की गई. यह नीतिगत कदम घरेलू विनिर्माण क्षेत्र को प्रोत्साहन देने के लिए किया गया. ज्ञातव्य हो कि भारत ने वर्ष 2011-12 में कुल 20.9 प्रतिशत की वृद्धि दर से 303.7 अरब डालर का निर्यात किया था. वर्ष 2013-14 तक वाषिर्क निर्यात को 500 अरब डालर तक पहुंचाने का लक्ष्य रखा गया.

विदेश व्‍यापार नीति 2009-14 के वार्षिक परिशिष्‍ट 2012-13 के नीतिगत उपायों के प्रमुख बिंदु:

1.  दो प्रतिशत की ब्‍याज दर पर वित्तीय सहायता योजना हथकरघा, हस्‍तशिल्‍प, कालीन और एसएमई पर 31 मार्च, 2013 तक उपलब्‍ध रहेगी. साथ ही इसका विस्‍तार श्रम आधारित क्षेत्रों जैसे- खेल के सामान, प्रसंस्‍कृत कृषि उत्‍पादों और सिले-सिलाए वस्‍त्रों तक किया गया.

2.  शून्‍य शुल्‍क वाली ईपीसीजी योजना को निर्यात क्षेत्र के लगातार जारी तकनीकी उन्‍नयन के लिए 31 मार्च, 2013 तक बढ़ा दिया गया.

3.  देश के पूर्वोत्‍तर क्षेत्र में निर्माण गतिविधि और रोजगार को बढ़ावा देने के लिए, ईपीसीजी योजना के अंतर्गत निर्यात शर्त सामान्‍य निर्यात शर्त का 25 प्रतिशत किया गया. यह शर्त अरूणाचल प्रदेश, असम, मणिपुर, मेघालय, मिजोरम, नगालैंड, त्रिपुरा और सिक्किम पर लागू होगी.

4.  निर्धारित 16 हरित प्रौद्योगिकी वस्‍तुओं के निर्यात को बढ़ावा देने हेतु, ईपीसी योजना के अंतर्गत इन उत्‍पादों के निर्माण के लिए निर्यात शर्त को कम करके सामान्‍य निर्यात शर्त का 75 प्रतिशत कर दिया गया. ये 16 उत्‍पाद हैं: सौर ऊर्जा के उपकरण विकेन्‍द्रीकृत और ग्रिड से जुड़े उत्‍पाद, बायो-मास गैसीफायर, बायो-मास/कचरा बॉयलर, वाष्‍प अवशोषण चिर्ल्‍स, वेस्‍ट हीट बॉयलर, वेस्‍ट हीट रिकवरी यूनिट, अनफायर्ड हीट रिकवरी स्‍टीम जनरेटर, विंड टरबाईन, सोलर सेल, सोलर कलेक्‍टर और जलशोधन संयंत्र, पवन चक्‍की, पवन टरबाईन/इंजन, अन्‍य जनरेटिंग सैट, हवा से चलने वाले, बिजली से चलने वाले वाहन-मोटर कार, बसें, ट्रक, मोटरसाइकिल/मोपेड.

5.  विशाखापत्‍नम हवाई अड्डे को निर्यात संवर्द्धन योजनाओं के अधीन मिलने वाले लाभों के लिए एक नए बंदरगाह के रूप में चुना     गया.

6.  हथकरघा से बनी चीजों, कपास से बनी चीजों और पोलीएस्‍टर से बनी चीजों के निर्यातों के बदले सजावटी सामानों के कर मुक्‍त   आयात की अनुमति के अलावा अब सिंथैटिक वस्‍तुओं के निर्यात पर भी यह सुविधा दी गई. 

7.  फोकस मार्केट स्‍कीम में सात नए बाजारों को जोड़ा गया. इन देशों में अल्‍जीरिया, अरूबा, आस्‍ट्रिया, कंबोडिया, म्‍यांमा, नीदरलैंड एंटीलेस और यूक्रेन शामिल हैं.

8.  स्‍पेशल फोकस मार्केट स्‍कीम के साथ सात नए बाजारों को जोड़ा गया है, जिनमें बेलिज, चिली, अल-सलवाडोर, ग्‍वाटेमाला, हंडूरास, मोरक्‍को और उरूग्‍वे शामिल हैं.

9.  तीन नए शहरों को निर्यात विशिष्‍टता वाले शहरों के रूप में घोषित किया गया, इनमें अहमदाबाद (कपड़ा), कोल्‍हापुर (कपड़ा) और सहारनपुर (हस्‍तकला) शामिल हैं.

Khap Panchayats

INTRODUCTION

The main function of a welfare state is to work for social upliftment and deliver justice. One of the functions of the State under the Directive Principles of State Policy is to separate the judiciary from the executive as given under Article 50 of the Constitution. Article 40 gives power to the panchayats to form self-governments. The 73rd Amendment of 1992 introduced Panchayats in Part IX and gave them the constitutional power to organize themselves into self-governments. In other terms, a panchayat was a council of members or a body of religious people or caste members who exercised exclusive jurisdiction over the rural areas that existed even before the British rule. Their main function was to decide internal disputes in accordance with the prevalent customs, usage or traditions in the community. The people did not object when these customs were changed or modified for the purpose of internal administration (Baxi, 1976). For example, under the UP Panchayat Act of 1920, the principle function of the panchayat was to act as a petty court so that revenue could be collected by imposing fines as punishment (Galanter, 1989). Panchayats are mainly found at village level, gram level and district level.

In this paper, the researcher throws light upon the evolution, powers, functions and criticisms of Khap panchayats. Khap is a system of administration peculiar to the Jat community of Haryana, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. It is a concept of the patriarchal society and is based on principles of Bhaichara (brotherhood) and HukkaPaani (community living and eating together). Each individual carries the name of his/her village and gotra. Two people belonging to the same gotra or two people belonging to a different gotra but falling under the jurisdiction of the same Khap panchayat cannot get married. Such a marriage is considered incestuous. This is because members of the clan share the same patrilineal descent. The existence and role of the Khap panchayats was first recognised during the Mughal period in clearer terms. Emperor Akbar even granted freedom to the Khaps in matters of religion and internal administration. They were exempted from taxes and the Khaps were allowed to perform their internal functions with full freedom (Pradhan, 1966). They were formed because the sufferers of armed conflicts and wars settled together and organised themselves into clans. It provided them a sense of belongingness and identity.

Concept of Nyaya Panchayats

Nyaya Panchayats have the judicial power to deliver justice in villages falling under their jurisdiction. They mainly administer civil jurisdiction and are usually established for a group of seven- ten villages (Pradhan, 1966). The members are selected through the system of voting and they have to follow proper rules and regulations as prescribed under law. The Nyaya Panchayat Bill was passed in 2009 is still pending before the Parliament which clearly lays down the role, functions and powers of these panchayats. The 114th Law Commission Report exclusively discussed Nyaya panchayats and their positive role in India. They get greater support from the locals and lessen the burden on the judiciary. Similar to a Nyaya panchayat, a Khap panchayat governs a group of five or more villages and organise themselves into a council of members elected by voting. Their main work involves resolving civil disputes relating to marriage, property etc.

 

Role of customs and its effect in Law

"Justice has emanated from nature. Therefore, certain matters have passed into custom by reason of their utility. Finally the fear of law, even religion, gives sanction to those rules which have both emanated from nature and have been approved by custom" (Krishnan, 2000).

A custom is a practice prevalent in an area for a significantly long period of time. For such a custom to become a rule of law, it should be in practice continuously for a long duration, it should not be against public policy and it has to be reasonable. Such customary laws are more acceptable in the society than radical changes brought by law. Thus, in short, for a custom to become a codified law, it has to be established that it is ancient, reasonable, continuous and certain (Arpanjot, 2010). Khap panchayats are institutions following age old customs in some parts of the country over generations. However, their customs vary from society to society. What is followed in North India is different from Tappa in South India.

 

Categories of Khap Panchayats

A Khap Panchayat can be broadly classified into four categories Sarv Khap Panchayat, Khap Panchayat, Tappa Panchayat. Tappa Panchayat is mainly found in parts of Tamil Nadu and the omnipresent village panchayat which is most commonly found. The Sarv Khap is the largest panchayat which solves disputes of Khaps within its jurisdiction. It is an amalgamation of many Khaps within neighbouring areas in a district which have been living collectively since ages. One major criticism of the Sarv Khap Panchayat is that the participation of women at the administrative level is negligible. Women are not allowed to be representatives even when crimes are committed against women. They are considered inferior to men, next only to untouchables and scheduled castes in traditional Khap panchayats (Sangwan, 2011).

 

Traditional Approach

The origin of Khap Panchayats can be traced back to the Vedic period. Originally, they provided a secured living for people of the same clan and worked for the social upliftment of the community. The panchayats were expected to ensure a high level of justice, fair play and efficiency, in the absence of which the panchayats could not command respect from the villagers. The leaders of Khaps passed resolutions for banning female foeticide, preventing the evil practice of dowry, abolition of sati, imposing a limit on the costs involved in marriages and restricting the number of people invited in a marriage so that the girls' family is not burdened with extra expenditure. Khap panchayats remain a popular method of rendering justice at the doorstep of people because they do not involve any money, are less time-consuming and peaceful negotiations between parties is possible (Sangwan, 2011).

Whenever, there is a dispute, the panchayat is asked to settle it. The attendance of all council members is compulsory for Khap meetings. These members conduct the trial in the presence of the villagers and the decision which is considered best under the prevailing circumstances is rendered. This decision is binding on both the parties. Incase there is an objection by any one of the party, the Khap leaders can reopen the matter and decide accordingly. In most cases, the panchayat reaches a consensus after consulting villagers who possess the freedom to voice their opinions. This right of exercising the freedom of speech and expression is deep rooted in our democratic system and also given under Article 19(1) (g) of the Constitution (Senthilraja, 2010) Traditionally, women played a great role in the panchayati system. They were appointed as leaders and council members in villages.

Incase of a dispute, the panchayat members intervene at a stage where a first information report (hereinafter referred to as FIR) is filed in the police station but before the matter gets listed in the court. This is particularly useful for poor people who cannot appoint advocates or pay hefty court fees to continue fighting the case in district courts. Recently, in a small village in Haryana; the Khap panchayat succeeded in resolving a marital dispute involving an educated couple. After mediation, the couple decided to reside together and the matter did not get listed in the court to obtain a decree for divorce. Similarly, there have been numerous instances where Khap panchayats have succeeded in bringing peace between the disputing parties. If at all the matter gets listed in the court, the Khap panchayat does not interfere with the order of the court. The verdict of the court is binding upon the parties. Incase of a conflict between the decision of Khap panchayat and the court, the order of the court prevails. However, if, while giving the judgment, the Khap panchayat intervenes, the judge takes into consideration their opinions before delivering the final judgment. It is believed that Khap panchayat is better informed of the internal tensions than the district court who is an outsider. Hence in these matters, the district courts seek assistance and support from Khap panchayats.

Incase of inter-caste marriages, the maximum punishment Khap panchayats can impose is to reprimand the couple, ostracise them from the community or stop their hukka-paani. Majority of khap panchayat leaders deny infamous honour killings that happen due to intolerance of inter-caste/inter-gotra marriages or refuse to comment on such sensitive issues. In majority of the cases, the panchayat does not even get to know when the relatives kill their children as these incidents happen late at night. In such cases, the remedy available to the couple is to seek police protection and there are separate rooms in the police station where they can seek shelter until the threat ceases to exist. Generally, the couples escape from their native villages and sever all social ties. The justification given for these killings is that the relatives feel that the children have brought shame to their families by marrying within the same gotra. The Khap panchayat is neither a binding authority nor do they have the knowledge of law to give verdicts on matters of honour killings. These honour killings are punishable in the court of law and tried in accordance with the provisions of law. Even the political parties work as a team with these panchayats. In one of the instances, there was unrest in one of the villages in the state of Haryana because the Jats were asking for reservations in educational institutions and government jobs. Because of the unrest, police opened fire and one of the members of the Jat community got killed. The Chief Minister Mr Bhupinder Singh Hooda requested the Khap panchayat to resolve the matter. Even the court refused to take up the matter and asked the Khap panchayat to resolve it. The Khap panchayat resolved the matter without further loss of life and resumed normalcy. In this manner the Khap panchayats play a major role in resolving disputes where even the court fails or refuses to interfere because of the unshakable faith in Khap panchayats. It is the belief of the people that justice is done without any biases or prejudices. Thus khap panchayats play a major role in protecting the rights of the villagers, in solving their property related, marital disputes. It also plays a role in bringing changes in the society by working towards eradication of social evils and encouraging more and more women to participate and voice individual opinions. The way media reports cases relating to khap panchayats, is a very one sided exaggerated view. We cannot rely on those reports and ignore the noble work these panchayats are engaged in doing.

Modern Approach

The main criticism of Khap panchayat is that rights of an individual are not respected. Rights of liberty, dignity, freedom to choose own life partner are jeopardised. Women are abused and their issues are never addressed. Most of the Khap rules are against law. Rule of men rather than rule of law prevails(emphasis added). The rate of female foeticide and infanticide is highest in North India, especially in Haryana, where the sex ratio is highly disproportionate. According to the census, there are only 792 females for 1000 males. These Khap panchayats have failed to take measures for social upliftment such as propagating primary education, criminalizing killing of girl child- the reasons which led to the formation of these panchayats in the ancient times. There is a lack of adequate representation of women at the decision making level. One major criticism of such a mechanism is agitation by the youth as it disregards their aspiration

In one of the instances, the Bagpat district of Uttar Pradesh, Khap panchayat had issued a diktat that women will not be allowed to carry cell phones and they cannot visit the market place unescorted if below 40 years of age (Ramachandran, 2012). This clearly is a violation of fundamental right of freedom of movement throughout the territory of India as guaranteed under Article 19(1) (d) of the Constitution of India. The justification given by Khap leaders is that diktat protects women from harassment. However, strict action must be taken against the harassers who should not be allowed to move freely and not the other way round. Our so called leaders were in news for blaming women for the rapes committed on them and demanded reducing the marriageable age of women to 16 years (The Economic Times, 2012). Such insensitivity and deplorable remarks on womanhood by these leaders should be dealt with seriously.

Khap panchayat bans inter-gotra marriages which is highly debatable. According to the law, every person who has attained the age of 18 years incase of a female and 21 years in case of a male, has the right to marry out of their free will. Under the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; only 'sapinda marriages' are prohibited and if they have a common lineal ascendant. Marrying within the same gotra/caste is not prohibited under law. This causes a conflict between custom and law. In most cases, the family members of the girl get her married against her will at a young age fearing a love marriage at a later stage. A forced marriage is performed by the relatives without the informed consent of the bride. This causes a lot of physical and emotional pressure, and the young brides often experience physical violence, rape, abduction, torture, enslavement, sexual abuse, dowry deaths and murder. A senior khap panchayat member gave a statement in a press conference, "In order to save the community, one has to kill the dissenters. Parents of such children should kill them as they bring shame to the community and have no right to live. Only then the honour of the community can be restored" (Kumari, 2011). Unfortunately, this glorifies murder and the perpetrators go unpunished. It is strongly recommended that not only should the perpetrators be punished but abettors of such murders should be severely punished.

In case of Lata Singh v. State of U P. and Anr (2006) 5 SCC 475), it was stated that the petitioner was a major and is free to choose her life partner. The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 clearly does not prohibit inter-caste marriages. Infact, inter caste marriages are helping to abolish the caste system and they should be encouraged. The offenders should be severely punished incase of violence or threat to life of such couples. The court allowed the petition. In this case, the Supreme Court had the opportunity of restricting the powers of Khap panchayats and declaring them unconstitutional and ultra vires. However, the court failed in doing the same. One of the major criticisms of this judgment is that the Justice Katju declares that parents of such children can abandon them. Such acts by parents are not justified because marrying out of choice is not a crime. Such couples are free to be a part of the society. The hostile behavior of family members causes emotional trauma and ultimately creates ill feelings which leads to failure of the institution of family.

A common practice among Khap Panchayats is to declare an inter-gotra marriage null and void. In extreme cases, the husband and wife are forced to become brother and sister in front of the entire village and the child born out of wed lock is given to the family members or given away for adoption without the consent of the parents. In cases of such cruelty, the enforcement authorities need to intervene and prevent such practices. Unfortunately, the law has failed to take cognizance because such matters are handled solely by Khap panchayat who are prejudiced in their minds. The court refuses to interfere with matters related to caste. Recently these panchayats were seeking to amend The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 wherein same gotra marriage will not be recognised. It will have a negative impact on personal matters of other religions like Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists (Senthilraja, 2010). Such unreasonable demands are ultra vires and unconstitutional. The question is to what extent should the government adhere to demands of Khap panchayats? How far their functioning is justified under the umbrella of having strong political ties and protecting their distinct identity.

CONCLUSION

Khap panchayats brings people of the same caste together who decide to reside peacefully. They came into force to champion the cause of human rights but somewhere that purpose got lost. Instead now Khap panchayats moral police people and when an individual revolts; he is punished as per their whims and fancies. These panchayats do not have the authority to enforce or declare the law under the Constitution yet it is a common practice. In reality, they only have the power to form self governments and uplift the rural areas and bring them at par in matters of opportunities, jobs, education and economic growth with the urban areas. The Khap panchayats have failed in discharging these functions efficiently. There is a great disparity in the customs of Khap panchayats and the law. This has resulted in a lot of criticisms among the educated youth. Their right to choose one's life partner has to be respected. The law needs to take strict action against honour killings. No caste, community or society is bigger than the right to live with dignity.

Generally the Khap leaders are uneducated senior citizens who lack flexibility in their approach. Through education they can be made aware of the existing law and work in accordance with it. This will help in bridging the gap between the older and younger generation. Participation of women should be encouraged at the core level and everyone should be given a fair hearing before deciding a matter. In this manner, the Khap Panchayats can successfully maintain their identity, gain popularity and contribute to social and economic upliftment of its people. Not only this, but they can be an immense help to the Government and bring in social reforms at the village level.

 

   Ms. NIMRAT KAUR.

National Initiative for Allied Health Sciences (NIAHS) Report

The Report of the National Initiative for Allied Health Sciences (NIAHS) “From Paramedics to Allied Health Professionals: Landscaping the Journey and Way Forward” was released in New Delhi today. Shri Ghulam Nabi Azad, Union Minister of Health & Family Welfare released the Report in the morning.

Later a discussion-cum-dissemination meeting was held at Lakshmipat Singhania Auditorium, PHD Chamber of Commerce and Industry. The first session of the meeting was addressed by  Shri Keshav Desiraju, Special Secretary, Ministry of Health & Family Welfare, Shri Jagdish Prasad, Director General of Health Services, Professor Dr. ManikaChaudhury, Department of Optometry and Professor K. Srinath Reddy, President, Public Health Foundation of India. Presentation on highlights of NIAHS journey was made by Dr. Subhash Salunke, Senior Adviser, Public Health Foundation of India. The second session was addressed by Dr. Vinod Paul, Professor & Head of the Department of Pediatrics, AIIMS, Ms Kavita Narayan, NIAHS Study Coordinator and Dr. Kanav Kahol, Team Leader, Affordable Health Technologies, Public Health Foundation of India.

Highlights of the report are as follows:

1. Allied Health Professionals are defined and interpreted differently within and among countries. Largely known as ‘paramedic’ in India, the term refers to a professional providing emergency care and ambulance services in the rest of the world. Hence, it is essential to address the issue of perception urgently and thus it is imperative to standardize a comprehensive definition of AHP, along with a defined career pathway, salary structure and cadre formation to ensure their growth prospects.

2. A considerable regulatory gap in the allied health space is attributed to the lack of a comprehensive regulatory framework and absence of centres for excellence or apex bodies for professional development and training of AHPs. A number of councils such as the Medical Council of India (MCI), Dental Council of India (DCI) to name a few, have already been established by Government of  India for regulating the standards of education and training, as well as the registration of practitioners in respective fields. The aim is to prevent unqualified people from practicing and also for maintain the standards of these professions. However, there is no central regulatory mechanism for AHPs. As threes councils are established by an Act, it is recommended to set up a National Board for Allied Health Sciences as an interim measure to undertake the work of capacity augmentation and re-organization for this group of the healthcare workforce.

3. Present project has studied over 1000 institutes and carried out literature review which reveals a plethora of institutions across the country all offering a wide variety of courses varying in quality and output on allied subjects. The lack of planned courses and institutions non-uniform nomenclature for the existing courses, diverse standards of practice and lack of qualified faculty pose a threat to the quality of education and skills of the AHP, thus there is a need to standardize the course duration, curricula, training methodologies and other such components pertaining to the education and training of allied health professionals.

4. A supply-demand analysis undertaken using an access-efficiency factor for urban and rural population based on best practices of HRH norms reveal a total national shortage of approx. 64 lakh AHPs with highest gaps in the states of UP, West Bengal, Maharashtra, Bihar and AP. The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare aims to address the shortage by establishing one national and eight regional institutes of allied health science across the country, which will serve as the centres of excellence based on the lines of AIIMS in medical education.

5. Solutions for augmenting the capacity should also focus on partnership, affiliate and other network models. It is recommended to utilize the current centres of excellence across the various groups of allied health sciences. The National and Regional institutes may form a network of affiliation with these centres of excellences to standardize the education system across the country. Public private partnership will pay a crucial role in augmenting the workforce capacity.

6. For effective management of the institutes, it is recommended that the national and regional institutes of allied health science may be established as autonomous bodies fully funded by GoI, lands to be provided by the state government and they should be encouraged to find ways to sustainable operational cost;

7. The study indicated that Affiliation to a hospital/medical college is critical to develop practical skills and competencies in these students;

8. New methods of teaching and training should be introduced in the public sector to keep up with changing technologies and new age educational methods such as e-learning, web tools, SIM models and others.

9. In the Indian public health care system, there are limited options for employment, which is not based on a rational approach. Analysis also reveals that, given the fast-paced growth in the healthcare sector, there is a potential for developing cadres of several new and emerging fields of AHPs. Augmenting the capacity of public sector through provision of employment opportunities by sanctioning new posts for the allied health cadre in the healthcare delivery system will address the gap.  

The Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR)

The Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) is an autonomous organisation under the Department of Agricultural Research and Education (DARE), Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India. Formerly known as Imperial Council of Agricultural Research, it wasestablished on 16 July 1929 as a registered society under the Societies Registration Act, 1860 in pursuance of the report of the Royal Commission on Agriculture. The ICAR has its headquarters at New Delhi.

The Council is the apex body for co-ordinating, guiding and managing research and education in agriculture including horticulture, fisheries and animal sciences in the entire country. With 99 ICAR institutes and 53 agricultural universities spread across the country this is one of the largest national agricultural systems in the world.The ICAR has played a pioneering role in ushering Green Revolution and subsequent developments in agriculture in India through its research and technology development that has enabled the country to increase the production of foodgrains by 4 times, horticultural crops by 6 times, fish by 9 times (marine 5 times and inland 17 times),milk 6 times and eggs 27 times since 1950-51, thus making a visible impact on the national food and nutritional security. It has played a major role in promoting excellence in higher education in agriculture. It is engaged in cutting edge areas of science and technology development and its scientists are internationally acknowledged in their fields.

Milestone

• Initiation of the first All-India Co-ordinated Research Project on Maize in 1957
• Status of Deemed University accorded to IARI in 1958
• Establishment of the first State Agricultural University on land grant pattern at Pantnagar in 1960
• Placement of different agricultural research institutes under the purview of ICAR in 1966
• reation of Department of Agricultural Research and Education (DARE) in the Ministry of Agriculture in 1973
• pening of first Krishi Vigyan Kendra (KVK) at Puducherry (Pondicherry) in 1974
• Establishment of Agricultural Research Service and Agricultural Scientists' Recruitment Board in 1975
• Launching of Lab-to-Land Programme and the National Agricultural Research Project (NARP) in 1979
• Initiation of Institution-Village Linkage Programme (IVLP) in 1995
• Establishment of National Gene Bank at New Delhi in 1996
• The ICAR was bestowed with the King Baudouin Award in 1989 for its valuable contribution in ushering in the Green Revolution. Again awarded King Baudouin Award in 2004 for research and development efforts made under partnership in Rice Wheat Consortium.
• Launching of National Agricultural Technology Project (NATP) in 1998 and National Agricultural Innovation Project (NAIP) in 2005

Mandate

• To plan, undertake, aid, promote and co-ordinate education, research and its application in agriculture, agro forestry, animal husbandry, fisheries, home science and allied sciences
• To act as a clearing house of research and general information relating to agriculture, animal husbandry, home science and allied sciences, and fisheries through its publications and information system; and instituting and promoting transfer of technology programmes
• To provide, undertake and promote consultancy services in the fields of education, research, training and dissemination of information in agriculture, agroforestry, animal husbandry, fisheries, home science and allied sciences
• To look into the problems relating to broader areas of rural development concerning agriculture, including postharvest technology by developing co-operative programmes with other organizations such as the Indian Council of Social Science Research, Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, Bhabha Atomic Research Centre and the universities
• To do other things considered necessary to attain the objectives of the Society

Organization

• Union Minister of Agriculture is the ex-officio President of the ICAR Society
• Secretary, Department of Agricultural Research and Education, Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India and Director General, ICAR is the Principal Executive Officer of the Council
• Governing Body is the policy-making authority
• Agricultural Scientists' Recruitment Board
• Deputy Directors-General (8)
• Additional Secretary (DARE) and Secretary (ICAR)
• Additional Secretary and Financial Advisor
• Assistant Directors-General (24)
• National Director, National Agricultural Innovation Project
• Directorate of Knowledge Management in Agriculture

Hydro Power Projects Race to Tap the Potential of Brahmaputra River

For past many years while China has been in the news for its efforts in exploiting the vast hydro power potential of Yarlung Tsangpo River of Tibet Autonomous Region India has also been attempting to tap the potential of this river known as Brahmaputra in India. Recent reports indicate that China has approved the construction of three new hydropower dams on the middle reaches of Yarlung Tsangpo. Work on an older 510 MW hydro project in Zangmu in Tibet had commenced way back in 2010. The capacity of the two new projects coming up at Dagu and Jiacha would be 640 MW and 320 MW respectively while the capacity of the third new dam at Jiexu is yet to be confirmed. These projects have been planned to be completed in China’s 12th Five Year Plan period i.e. 2011-2017. China has, as usual, given the assurances that these are run of the river projects and in no way affect the downstream flows. In addition China has also built at least six smaller projects on tributaries of Tsangpo which again according to the Chinese would not affect waters flowing into India.

Earlier assertions by China that it has no plans to construct a massive dam at the Great Bend on Tsangpo (at Metog) to divert waters to the arid North have been met with a certain degree of skepticism in India. The proposed project has the potential of providing 38 gigawatts of energy. Chinese engineers have been claiming that technical difficulties in construction of the dam can be overcome. In fact, Yan Zhiyong, the general manager of China Hydropower Engineering Consulting Group stated in May 2010 that "The major technical constraints on damming the Yarlung Tsampo have been overcome."

According to a well known Chinese science forum, the Great Bend was the ultimate hope for water resource exploitation because it could generate energy equivalent to 100m tonnes of crude coal, or all the oil and gas in the South China Sea. Zhang Boting, the Deputy General Secretary of the China Society for Hydropower Engineering has claimed that such a project will benefit the project by marked reduction in carbon footprints.

While upper riparian states have an upper hand in controlling the water flows to the downstream states and therefore the lower riparian states usually raise objections to any damming activity upstream it was rather surprising when China raised objections to India’s Siang Upper hydropower project in Arunachal Pradesh.

Siang is the largest river of Brahamputra river system which originates from Chema Yungdung glacier near Kubi in Tibet. While in Tibet it is known as Tsangpo, and flows in West – East direction, it takes a turn in south direction before entering the Indian territory in Upper Siang district of Arunachal Pradesh. The river then flows in North – South direction, passes through Upper Siang and East Siang districts of Arunachal Pradesh and is known as Siang River. Further down, the Siang is known as the Brahmaputra.

As part of realizing the hydro power potential of rivers in Arunachal Pradesh the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) had completed the pre-feasibility study of the Upper Siang hydro power project last year. The output of the dam was originally planned for a massive power generation of 12, 000 MW. Because of the environmental and rehabilitation concerns the project was converted into two twin dams further downstream and given the name of Siang Intermediate dam. The earlier location being about 60 km from the border, the Chinese had also expressed concerns about their areas being submerged.

Now the project is targeted to produce 9,750-MW which is supposed to be the second biggest project after China’s Three Gorges dam. The project involves an investment of nearly Rs. 1,00,000 crore over a 10 year period. The Central government also plans to compensate Arunachal for any submergence. Arunachal had held up the plan for the past few years, mainly because it feared the project would submerge the town of Tuting in Upper Siang district. The dams’ reservoirs are expected to store 10 billion cubic meters of water, collected from the Siang and smaller rivers in the area, which can be released into the Siang if China plans to divert water massively.

Further, the overall hydropower potential of Arunachal Pradesh has been identified to be over 50,000 MW; in fact in the entire North East Region the potential is over 58,356 MW. When compared to the overall hydro-electric potential of India of around 150,000 MW Arunachal Pradesh has one third of the potential due to rivers and tributaries flowing into Brahmaputra. As of now only less than two percent of the capacity has been developed, that is only 405 MW; the capacity that is under construction is 4460 MW. This means that only about 8% capacity is under development. A number of factors like environment and forestation concerns, geographical and seismic conditions, rehabilitation and availability of funds besides poor implementation of the planned projects have affected the realization of the full potential of the State’s hydropower resources.

So far as the mega dam of 9750 MW to be developed by NHPC on Siang Intermediate is concerned, it has not progressed beyond the stage of pre-feasibility report. The state government has demanded from National Thermal Power Corporation an upfront payment of about Rs 4 lakhs per megawatt before it can start work on the project (i.e. a total of about Rs 400 Crores). This demand is believed to be based on existing State policy on the issue. This project has been termed as a strategic project to establish lower riparian rights but evidently there is a little to show that the Government is seized with the urgency to construct it in an earlier time frame.

In the 12th Five Year Plan i.e. from 2012-2017, Siang Intermediate project does not find any mention and no funds have been allotted for the purpose so far. This is despite the fact that in July, 2012 the Planning Commission had assured that the State would be provided with special funds even as Asian Development Bank had denied development funds to Arunachal Pradesh based on China’s objections. Obtaining funds for infrastructure projects in Arunachal Pradesh has been a difficult proposition.

On the other hand, when the Chinese 12th Five Year Plan has included the aforementioned four dams for construction on Yarlung Tsangpo it is a given that these hydro-power projects will be completed in time.

However, in the 12th Plan (2012-17) for Arunachal Pradesh, the central government has proposed to develop three dams with total capacity of 1610 MW and the Private sector has been given 23 projects with a total capacity of 7969 MW; thus total capacity to be developed during the five year period is expected to be 9579 megawatts in Arunachal Pradesh. Most of the projects with big capacity are planned to be developed in stages in more than one plan period. But what is of particular interest is construction of two hydro power projects known as Siang Middle and Siang Lower on the Siang River. Out of the 2400 MW capacity planned for Siang Lower only 600 MW is proposed for capacity addition in the 12th plan while full capacity of 1000 MW for Siang Middle is proposed to be developed in the plan period.

Environmental clearance and approval for construction of Demwe Lower Hydro Electric project with a capacity of 1750 MW on Lohit River in Arunachal Pradesh was given in February last year. Lohit originates in Tibet and is one of the main tributaries of Brahmaputra. Environment Minister Jayanthi Natarajan, who is also the chairperson of the standing committee of the National Board for Wild Life (NBWL) was instrumental in granting the clearance. There is some degree of awareness among the government circles that dam construction has to be speeded up to get the ‘first user rights’ as per international norms before China does it on its side of the river.

If India is able to harnesses the hydro-power of Brahmaputra in Arunachal Pradesh through the proposed projects, it will strengthen its case against China’s building of a reported mega-dam at Metog (in Tibet). But this would have to be done before China completes its projects as under the doctrine of prior appropriation, a priority right falls on the first use of river waters. Exploiting the full potential of Arunachal Pradesh would have the added benefit of making us less dependent on proposed hydro-power schemes of Nepal and elsewhere.

The future will tell whether India will be successful in completing its projects within scheduled time as its record of executing such projects in a time-bound manner has not been very encouraging.

Last year, there were reports of Siang River suddenly drying up and ‘some patches of sand’ were even seen near Pasighat town of Eastern Siang district. According to the State officials diversion of water or blockage of water upstream by China was suspected. Disruptions in water flow by China by damming/blocking the rivers originating in Tibet, is a recurring concern voiced by many analysts and experts.

The above problems are further compounded by a number of protests in Assam which is a lower riparian state about the damming activity and construction of hydro-electric stations in Arunachal Pradesh. These protests are by environmentalists as well as farmers and fishermen who would be affected adversely by reduced flow of water to Brahmaputra. According to an opposition party leader “Arunachal Pradesh is set to gain revenue from these projects, but Assam will be the victim if anything goes wrong”. Larger interests of the nation are however, glossed over due to parochial considerations.

Environmentalist lobby in India has been gaining ground and some of the decisions for such projects have been affected by environmental concerns. Chinese objections to damming activity may cause some consternation but environmentalist lobby and local/provincial politics besides provision of adequate funds are the major causes for causing delay in the realisation of mega-dam plans of Arunachal Pradesh.

There is an urgent need for fast tracking the hydro power projects in Arunachal Pradesh by providing adequate funds and by striking a right balance between the requirements of development and environmental concerns. Safeguards against earthquakes also need to be taken with alacrity as the region falls within Zone 4 and 5 of seismic sensitive zones.

Strategic imperative of establishing prior users’ right should also not be lost sight off. In April, 2010, no less than the then Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh had observed that “India needs to be more aggressive in pushing ahead hydro projects (on the Brahmaputra) - that would put us in better negotiating position (with China)”. China, as is its wont, would continue with its hydro power plans all the time assuring that water flows to the down-stream nations would not be affected. It would be dangerously naïve to believe in such banalities.

                                                                                            Brig (retd) Vinod Anand (Senior Fellow, VIF)