गुरुवार, 27 जून 2013

REGIONALISM.

DEFINITION OF REGIONALISM

The term ‘regionalism’ has two connotations. In the negative sense, it implies excessive attachment to one’s region is preference to the country or the state. In the positive sense it is a political attribute associated with people’s love for their region, culture, language, etc. with a view to maintain their independent identity. While positive regionalism is a welcome thing in so far maintaining as it encourages the people to develop a sense of brotherhood and commonness on the basis of common language, religion or historical background. The negative sense, regionalism is a great threat to the unity and integrity of the country. In the Indian context generally the term regionalism has been used in the negative sense. In India Regionalism is a feeling or an ideology among a section of people residing in a particular geographical space characterized by unique language, culture etc. that they are the sons of the soil and every opportunity that exists in their land must be accorded to them first but not to the outsiders. It is a sort of Parochialism. In most of the cases it is raised for expedient political gains but not necessarily.

The feeling of regionalism may arise either due to the continuous neglect of a particular area or region by the ruling authorities or it may spring up as a result of increasing political awareness of backward people that have been discriminated against. Quite often some political leaders encourage the feeling of regionalism to maintain their hold over a particular area or group of people.

REGIONALISM IN INDIA.

India has faced the problem of regionalism, even before Independence.Regionalism in India can be traced back to Dravida Movement started in Tamil Nadu. The movement initially focused on empowering Dalits, non-Brahmins, and poor people. Later it turned against imposition of Hindi as sole official language on non-Hindi speaking areas. Finally, the movement for some time focused on seceding from India to carve out their own Dravidastan or Dravida Nadu. The movement slowly declined and today they have become prominent regional parties after many splits and factionalism.

But the incidents like the recent attacks on Bihari labourers by the United Liberation Front of Asom, uproar created by the MNS in Maharashtra, the dispute over Hogenakal drinking project, the Jammu and Kashmir issue, in Punjab against non-Punjabis that gave rise to Khalistan Movement and earlier Akali Movement; in North-East against other Indians, in Andhra, Telangana issue and likes make sure that still the issue of regionalism persists in India. These issues have been highlighting the sharp divide among regional states of India, which point that the overall national interest has been reduced to a secondary status.

It can be traced that regionalism slowly turned from non violent means to violent means to achieve their goals. From Potti Sriramulu’s non violent means of fatsing to Maharashtra Nav Nirman Sena (MNS) and ULFA’s violent means, regionalism has come a long way.
Regionalism in present day India is readily used for political gains by petty politicians and secessionist organizations. Economic reasons are exploited for political dividends.

Forms of Regionalism in India.

Regionalism in India has assumed various forms like:

Regionalism, properly so called.

 It is the first and most legitimate kind of regionalism which is often in the form of the demand of a separate space or state of one's own, for the purpose of resting securely within the Union of India. This was spearheaded by the Telugu-speaking residents of the erstwhile Madras Presidency. The forms of protest it involved were attacks on state property, and the hunger-fast, and as a result of this, the creation of the state of Andhra Pradesh and, later redrawing of the map of India on linguistic lines took place. With the same token, some of such protests for the creation of a separate state gave birth to leading regional parties like the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Madras, which was later emulated by the Akali Dal in Punjab, the Telugu Desam Party in Andhra Pradesh, and the Asom Gana Parishad in Assam.

This category also includes sub-regionalism, which pertains to the groups, which are in minority within the states based on language, who also occupy a definite territory within these states, and by virtue of language or ethnicity, they have enough to bring them together and to bind them against the majority community in that state.The successful protests include those which were raised by the hill people of Uttar Pradesh, which delivered to them a new state called Uttaranchal (now Uttarakhand), and the tribal and other residents of the Chhotanagpur Plateau, whose claim from a reluctant Bihar was the state of Jharkhand for which they had been fighting from well before Independence.

 Secessionism.

 It can be classified as the most violent and dangerous form of regionalism as it is based on the desire, or hope, or fantasy, to divide the Republic of India and form a separate nation of one’s own. This form of regionalism evolved with A. Z. Phizo's Naga National Council, and T. Muivah’s National Socialist Council of Nagaland. In the similar way, militants in Kashmir can also be said to follow this form of regionalism as they are persistently committing bloodbath in pursuit of their dream of a separate separate. The movemment of Khalistan, spearheaded by the Sikh extremists during 1980s also hoped to form their own nation-state. In fact, even the Dravidian movement for many years demanded a separate nation out of India, which fialed due to the jingoism unleashed by China's war with India.

Parochialism.
 Another form of regionalism has been termed as parochialism. This can be benevolent, as in evident in form or pretensions of the Bengali bhadralok, who claim that their literature, music, dress and cuisine are superior to others in India. However, sometimes it has also taken the form of bloodshade, as evident in the attacks on Bihari labourers by the Ulfa cadre, in which the belief rests that only Assamese speakers have the right to live in Assam. This kind of bloodshade was committed by the Shiv Sena goons in mid-sixties, who in Bombay began to attack South Indians entitling them as ‘outsiders’ to the city. Even Udupi restaurants were torched, and offices and factories threatened not to employ south Indians in their establishments. Recently, the Shiv Sena has kept the Bengalis and Biharis at its target. Following the same, the MNS has made the North Indians its target.

CAUSES FOR GROWTH OF REGIONALISM

In India a number of factors have galvanized the movements of regionalism:

1.     The efforts of the national government to impose a particular ideology, language or cultural pattern on all people and groups compelled the regionalism movements to crop up. With the same effect, the states of the South began to resist the imposition of Hindi as an official language as they feared this would lead to dominance of the North. Emulating the same the Assam anti-foreigner movement was launched by the Assamese to preserve their own culture.
2.     Almost all the states have spawned a military native movement directed against outsiders. The fundamental issue has the employment for the local people and many state governments either officially or unofficially have supported the protection of jobs for the „sons of the soil‟. Shiv Sena of Maharashtra is one example of this.
3.      Continuous neglect of an area or region by the ruling parties and concentration of administrative and political power has given rise to demand for decentralization of authority and bifurcate of unilingual states. On occasions sons of soil theory has been put forth to promote the interests of neglected groups or areas of the state.
4.     The desire of regional elites to capture power has also led to rise of regionalism. It is well known that political parties like DMK, AIADMK, Akali Dal, Telugu Desam Asom Gana
4.Parishad etc., have encouraged regionalism to capture power.
5.     The desire of the various units of the Indian federal system to maintain their sub cultural regions and greater degree of self-government has promoted regionalism and given rise to demand for greater autonomy.
6.     The interaction between the forces of modernisation and mass participation have also paved the way for growth of regionalism in India. As the country is still away from realising the goal of a nation state, the various groups have failed to identify their group interests with national interests, hence the feeling of regionalism has persisted. The growing awareness among the people of backward areas that they are being discriminated against has also promoted feeling of regionalism. The local political leaders have fully exploited this factor and tried to feed the people with the idea that the Central Government was deliberately trying to maintain regional imbalances by neglecting social and economic development of certain areas.
7.     Regionalism has also emerged because of the attempts made by the government to improve a particular or ideology on people who desire to follow a different path.

 Determinants of Regionalism in India.
While the cultural factors, real or imagined, focus upon the symbolic dimension, the socioeconomic and political disparities highlight the instrumental dimension. The major determinants of regionalism in India are examines as under:
 Political Factor: -
 In a sense, all regionalism is a form of politics, i.e. politics of natives. In political sphere, regionalism is against centralization of power and administration. It stands for more power and administration.
 Historical Factor: -
 Common historical experience often buttresses regionalism by way of creating differences in social heritage, attitude, myths and regionalism.
 Socio-Economic Factor: -
Socio-economic imbalance between regions is the crux of regionalism in India. Regional imbalance is also inherent in the pattern of capital investment and distribution. The uneven nature of capital investment is bequeathed to India by the colonial government.
Geographical Factor: -
The geographical distinctiveness gives a symbolic identity which needs economic and political props for its resurgence from time to time. For example, the old geographical boundaries of the ex-princely states still haunt and are implied in defining regional identity in India.
Socio-cultural Factor: -
 Socio-cultural differences between regions fan regional feeling to some extent. Socio-cultural symbols often provide the necessary inputs for identity –formation for a people living in a particular region. Regional caste, sub caste and kinship differences motivate regional feeling within a broad socio-linguistic area.
HOW TO COMBAT REGIONALISM.
 Regionalism has been an important aspect of Indian politics. Sometimes, it has posed threat to the unity of the country. Hence it is necessary to take steps to reduce such tendencies. Some such measures can be
1. To promote even development of the nation. The neglected areas must be given more importance so that they feel a part of the national mainstream.
2. A proper law should be passed to execute the political leaders supporting regionalism just to gain political attention like Uddhav Thackrey and Raj Thackrey or they should be treated under the laws of sedition.
3. The central government must not interfere in the affairs of the State unless it is unavoidable for national interest.
4. Problems of people must be solved in a peaceful and constitutional manner. Politicians must not be allowed to misuse the issue of regional demands.
5.  Except for issues of national importance, the states should be given freedom to run their own affairs.
6. Changes are necessary in the Central-State relations in favour of the states, and for introducing a system of national education that would help people to overcome regional feelings and develop an attachment towards the nation.

7. The different departments for different states can be constituted at central government level so that that specific department can look upon state critically and suggest the ways to government for the upliftment of the state.

8. There should be a nominal participation of all the states at central level government. The leaders of the deprived states should come forward to participate in the central government and raise their concern rather than sitting in the state and demanding the new state.
9. As much as possible, public policies depicting the idea of nationalism should be introduced and there should be uniformity in schemes and policies for all the states.

10. Election Commission should lay down some norms for regional parties against regionalism. Election Commission should define that any party who will be found in promoting unnecessary
 regionalism will be banned.

REGIONAL ISSUES IN INDIA

Linguistic Reorganization of States

It was the demand of Potti Sriramulu, a freedom fighter and a devoted follower of Mahatma Gandhi, that led to the creation of Andhra Pradesh state and linguistic recognition of the states in India. To achieve this end, he died in 1952 after not eating for 52 days in support of a Telugu-speaking state. Sriramulu’s death forced Jawahar Lal Nehru to accede to the various demands from other parts of the country with similar demands. Consequently, in 1954, a States Reorganisation Committee was formed with Fazal Ali as its head, which recommended the formation of 16 new states and 3 Union Territories based on the language.

Demand for Dravida Nadu

 Going back to the journey of Regionalism in India, it is well noticeable that it emerged with Dravidian Movement, which started in Tamil Nadu in 1925. This movement, also known as ‘Self-Respect Movement’ initially focused on empowering Dalits, non-Brahmins, and poor people. Later it stood against imposition of Hindi as sole official language on non-Hindi speaking areas8. But it was the demand of carving out their own Dravidastan or Dravida Nadu, which made it a secessionist movement.. As early as 1960s the DMK and the Nan Tamil organized a joint campaign throughout Madras state demanding its secession from India and making it an independent sovereign state of Tamiland. DMK proposed that the states of Madras, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Mysore should
secede from the Indian union and form an independent „Republic of Dravida Nadu‟.

1962: C.N Annadurai maintained that the people of South India were of different stock from that
of the north. He alleged that the south has been ignored and neglected by union government in
plans of India‟s industrial development.

1963: Constitution bill which enabled it to make laws providing penalties for any person
questioning the sovereignty and integrity of Indian union.

DMK dropped its demand for separate nation Dravida nation.

1974: Anti-Malayali demonstration in Madras city by Tamil Protection Organization demanding
to give employment to Tamilians alone

Telangana Movement.

 In the years after the formation of Andhra Pradesh state, people of Telangana expressed dissatisfaction over how the agreements and guarantees were implemented. Discontent with the 1956 Gentleman's agreement intensified in January 1969, when the guarantees that had been agreed on were supposed to lapse. Student agitation for the continuation of the agreement began at Osmania University in Hyderabad and spread to other parts of the region. Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative assembly threatened "direct action" in support of the students.

Shiv Sena against Kannadigas.

In 1966, Shiv Sena, in Maharashtra, launched its agitation against Kannadigas in the name of Marathi pride. The first targets of its agitation were South Indians who the Udupi hotels in Mumbai. This agitation was labeled to be a retaliation of the lathi-charge on Marathi speaking people in the border areas.

Bodoland Demand Within Assam.

The Bodo agitation is led by the Assam Bodo Students Union which is demanding a separate state and has resorted to wide scale violence and series of crippling bandhs to pursue their demand. One of the basic reason Assam agitations is because of the expansion of education, particularly higher education, but not industrialization and other job creating institutions is increasing the army of educated youths in the backward regions. These frustrated young men are allured by the movements against the inflow of people from other countries ands states. On the other hand these unemployed youths are also attracted by the caste, communal and other sectional agitations fighting for the protection of rights on sectarian lines.  

Khalistan Movement.

 It was during the era of 1980s that Khalistan movement with its aim to create a Sikh homeland, often called Khālistān, cropped up in the Punjab region of India and Pakistan. The vision was to include the Indian states of Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, New Delhi, parts of the Kashmir, parts of Rajasthan, and parts of Gujarat. Thus this movement falls more in the category of a separatist movement, imbibing the characteristics of regionalism. Apart from this, there have been several other secessionist movements namely, Assam, Jammu and Kashmir, Tripura, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh.

Attacks on Bihar Laborers by the ULFA.  

ULFA continues to attempt ambushes and sporadic attacks on government security forces. In 2003, the ULFA was accused of killing laborers from Bihar in response to molestation and raping of many Assamese girls in a train in Bihar. This incident sparked off anti-Bihar sentiment in Assam, which withered away after some months though. On August 15, 2004, an explosion occurred in Assam in which 10-15 people died, including some school children. This explosion was reportedly carried out by ULFA. The ULFA has obliquely accepted responsibility for the blast. This appears to be the first instance of ULFA admitting to public killings with an incendiary device. In January 2007, the ULFA once again struck in Assam killing approximately 62 Hindi speaking migrant workers mostly from Bihar. On March 15, 2007, ULFA triggered a blast in Guwahati,injuring six persons as it celebrated its 'army day'.

The MNS Targeting North Indians.

 It was in 2008 that Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) workers began their violent agitation against North Indians. Bhojpuri films were not allowed to run on theatres in Maharashtra. The targets were vendors and shopkeepers from North India in various parts of Maharashtra.

Inter-State Disputes.

 Another form of regionalism in India has found expression in the form of interstate disputes. There are disputes boundary disputes for example between Karnataka and Maharashtra on Belgaum where Marathi speaking population is surrounded by Kannada speaking people, between Kerala and Karnataka on Kasargod, between Assam and Nagaland on Rengma reserved forests. There is a dispute over Chandigarh over Punjab and Haryana. The first important dispute regarding the use of water source was over the use of water resources of three rivers mainly Narmada, Krishna and Cauvery in which states of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra were involved. Disputes also arose between use of Cauvery waters among the states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka. Another dispute arose among the states of Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh over the use and distribution of waters of the Krishna River.Disputes between Punjab, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh overt the use of waters of Ravi River. The Electricity sharing issue between Punjab and Delhi is another example of this.

Creation of new States in 2000.

In 2000, the Government of India, pursuant to legislation passed by Parliament during the summer, created three new states, Chhattisgarh, Uttaranchal, and Jharkhand, reconstituting Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, respectively. Both the ruling BJP and the opposition Congress party supported the formation of the states. The basis for creating the new states is socio-political and not linguistic. With the new states, the Indian Union now has 28 states.

CONCLUSION.                            

According to the Constitution of India, an Indian citizen is free to move around and settle down peacefully any part of the country. So they go to places where jobs are available, and get them on the basis of merit. This gives the political parties absolutely no reason to accuse them of stealing anything, or criticizing their language and culture, or for that matter, instigating violence against them. Their want for limelight and votes ends up being a nightmare for the common man. This is not the solution to the problem of excessive migration. It can only be solved by development and creation of jobs in other states, and tackling the issue of overpopulation. If this unnecessary propagation of hatred continues, it will solve nothing, and only divide the people more. Today it is the division of states. Tomorrow it will be the division of districts, and so on.


बुधवार, 26 जून 2013

आपदा, प्राकृतिक आपदा एवं उनका प्रबंधन

आपदा एक प्राकृतिक या मानव निर्मित जोखिम का प्रभाव है जो समाज या पर्यावरण को नकारात्मक रूप से प्रभावित करता है आपदाशब्द ज्योतिष विज्ञान से आया है इसका अर्थ होता है कि जब तारे बुरी स्थिति में होते है तब बुरी घटनाये होती हैं.

समकालीन शिक्षा में, आपदा अनुचित प्रबंधित जोखिम के परिणाम के रूप में देखा जाता है. ये खतरें आपदा और जोखिम के उत्पाद है. आपदा जो कम जोखिम के क्षेत्र में होते हैं वे आपदा नही कहे जाते हैं जैसे निर्जन क्षेत्र में. विकाशशील देश आपदा का भारी मूल्य चुकाते हैं- आपदा के कारण ९५ % मौत विकासशील देशों में होती है और प्राकृतिक आपदा से होने वाली मौत औद्योगिक देशों की तुलना में विकाशशील देशों में २० गुना ज्यादा हैं. आपदा को निम्न प्रकार से परिभाषित किया जा सकता है -एक दुखद घटना, जैसे सड़क दुर्घटना, आग, आतंकवादी हमला या विस्फोट, जिसमें कम से कम एक पीड़ित व्यक्ति हो.

एक प्राकृतिक आपदा एक प्राकृतिक जोखिम का ही परिणाम है (जैसे की ज्वालामुखी विस्फोट, भूकंप, या भूस्खलन) जो कि मानव गतिविधियों को प्रभावित करता है.मानव दुर्बलताओं को उचित योजना और आपातकालीन प्रबंधन के आलोक में और बढ़ा देता है, जिसकी वजह से आर्थिक, मानवीय और पर्यावरण को नुकसान पहुँचता है. इसके परिणाम स्वरुप होने वाली हानि जनसँख्या की आपदा को बढ़ावा देने या विरोध करने की क्षमता पर निर्भर करती है अर्थात उनके लचीलेपन पर. ये समझ केंद्रित है इस विचार में: "जब जोखिम और दुर्बलता का मिलन होता है तब दुर्घटनाएं घटती हैं". जिन इलाकों में दुर्बलताएं निहित न हों वहां पर एक प्राकृतिक जोखिम कभी भी एक प्राकृतिक आपदा में तब्दील नहीं हो सकता है, उदहारण स्वरुप, निर्जन प्रदेश में एक प्रबल भूकंप का आना.बिना मानव की भागीदारी के घटनाएँ अपने आप जोखिम या आपदा नहीं बनती हैं, इसके फलस्वरूप प्राकृतिक शब्द को विवादित बताया गया है. हाल ही में भारत के उत्तरी राज्यों में घटित बाढ़ और भूस्खलन की घटना ने प्राकृतिक आपदाओं के स्वरूप पर बहस को और गंभीर बना दिया है .

ये आपदाएं मानव निर्मित थी अथवा प्राकृतिक इस पर बहस भले ही की जा रही हो परन्तु इस बात से किसी को संदेह नहीं की आपदा पश्चात के प्रबंधन की मानवीय तथा अन्य भौतिक क्षति को कम करने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका होती है . कुदरत के कहर से भारी तबाही का सामना कर रहे उत्तराखंड के पास इस आपदा से निपटने के लिए कोई आपदा प्रबंधन योजना ही नहीं थी। अपनी सरंचना के कारण हमेशा ही प्राकृतिक आपदाओं के खतरे से घिरे रहने वाले इस राज्य की ओर से इन आपदाओं से निपटने के लिए कोई पुख्ता तैयारी नहीं की गई थी। कैग द्वारा हाल ही में 23 अप्रैल को जारी एक विज्ञप्ति में कहा गया है कि अक्टूबर 2007 में गठित स्टेट डिजास्टर मैनेजमेंट अथॉरिटी की आज तक कोई बैठक तक नहीं हुई है और न ही इस अथॉरिटी ने अब तक आपदा से निपटने के लिए कोई नियम-कानून या दिशानिर्देश ही बनाए हैं।

राज्य की आपदा प्रबंधन तंत्र की तरफ इशारा करते हुए कैग की रिपोर्ट में कहा गया है कि नियमों के अनुसार आपदा के समय उससे निपटने की तैयारी की जिम्मेदारी आपदा प्रबंधन तंत्र की होती है। लेकिन इस मामले में 'राज्य की अथॉरिटीज पूरी तरह से निष्क्रय थीं।' राज्य आपदा प्रबंधन प्लान निर्माणाधीन था और कई आपदाओं के लिए कोई योजना ही नहीं बनाई गई।

क्या आपदा पूर्व चेतावनियों पर अमल करके उत्तराखंड के ऊपरी इलाकों को तबाही से बचाया जा सकता था। कैग की रिपोर्ट में कहा गया है कि पहले से जारी चेतावनियों पर अमल करने के बारे में कोई योजना नहीं बनाई गई थी। 'संचार व्यवस्था अपर्याप्त थी। यह लपरवाही तब और भी चौंकाने वाली बन जाती है जबकि वर्ष 2007-8 और 2011-12 के बीच राज्य में 653 लोगों ने प्राकृतिक आपदाओं में अपनी जानें गंवाईं। इनमें से 55 प्रतिशत लोगों की मौत भूस्खलन और तेज बारिश की वजह से हुई। इस अवधि के दौरान राज्य में 27 बड़े भूस्खलन की घटनाएं हुईं। अकेले वर्ष 2012 में 176 लोगों की मौत प्राकृतिक आपदा के कारण हुई।

साथ ही कैग की रिपोर्ट में राज्य आपदा राहत कोष के धन के इस्तेमाल में भी बड़े पैमाने पर गड़बड़ियों की तरफ इशारा किया गया है। इसमें कहा गया है कि राज्य सरकार ने प्राकृतिक आपदा की सलाना रिपोर्ट तक तैयार नहीं की और नहीं उसने इस बात जानकारी दी की राहत कोष के फंड का इस्तेमाल कैसे किया गया। नतीजा वर्ष 2007-11 के दौरान केंद्र सरकार द्वारा फंड जारी करने में 80 दिन से लेकर 184 दिनों की देरी हुई।

उत्तराखंड सरकार के कुप्रंबधन का उदाहरण देते हुए कैग ने अपनी रिपोर्ट में कहा है कि जियोलॉजिकल सर्वे ऑफ इंडिया ने जून 2008 में राज्य के 101 गांवों को असुरक्षित करार दिया था लेकिन आज तक राज्य सरकार ने उस गांव के लोगों के लिए पुर्नवास की योजना नहीं बनाई।

भारत में लोगों को आपदासे बचाना या तत्काल राहत देना किसकी जिम्मेदारी है?. दरअसल आपदा प्रबंधन तंत्र की सबसे बड़ी आपदा यह है कि लोगों को कुदरती कहर से बचाने की जिम्मेदारी अनेक की है और किसी एक की नहीं।

इस देश में जब लोग बाढ़ में डूब रहे होते हैं, भूकंप के मलबे में दब कर छटपटाते हैं या फिर ताकतवर तूफान से जूझ रहे होते हैं, तब दिल्ली में फाइलें सवाल पूछ रही होती हैं कि आपदा प्रबंधन किसका दायित्व है? कैबिनेट सचिवालय? जो हर मर्ज की दवा है। गृह मंत्रालय? जिसके पास दर्जनों दर्द हैं। प्रदेश का मुख्यमंत्री? जो केंद्र के भरोसे है। या फिर नवगठित राष्ट्रीय आपदा प्रबंधन प्राधिकरण? जिसे अभी तक सिर्फ ज्ञान देने और विज्ञापन करने का काम मिला है। एक प्राधिकरण सिर्फ 65 करोड़ रुपये के सालाना बजट में कर भी क्या सकता है। ध्यान रखिए कि इस प्राधिकरण के मुखिया खुद प्रधानमंत्री हैं।

जिस देश में हर पांच साल में बाढ़ 75 लाख हेक्टेयर जमीन और करीब 1600 जानें लील जाती हो, पिछले 270 वर्षो में जिस भारतीय उपमहाद्वीप ने दुनिया में आए 23 सबसे बड़े समुद्री तूफानों में से 21 की मार झेली हो और ये तूफान भारत में छह लाख जानें लेकर शांत हुए हों, जिस मुल्क की 59 फीसदी जमीन कभी भी थरथरा सकती हो और पिछले 18 सालों में आए छह बड़े भूकंपों में जहां 24 हजार से ज्यादा लोग जान गंवा चुके हों, वहां आपदा प्रबंधन तंत्र का कोई माई-बाप न होना आपराधिक लापरवाही है।

सरकार ने संगठित तौर पर 1954 से आपदा प्रबंधन की कोशिश शुरू की थी और अब तक यही तय नहीं हो सका है कि आपदा प्रबंधन की कमान किसके हाथ है। भारत काआपदा प्रबंधन तंत्र इतना उलझा हुआ है कि इस पर शोध हो सकता है। आपदा प्रबंधनका एक सिरा कैबिनेट सचिव के हाथ में है तो दूसरा गृह मंत्रालय, तीसरा राज्यों, चौथा राष्ट्रीय आपदा प्रबंधन या फिर पांचवां सेना के। समझना मुश्किल नहीं है कि इस तंत्र में जिम्मेदारी टालने के अलावा और क्या हो सकता है। गृह मंत्रालय के एक शीर्ष अधिकारी का यह कहना, 'आपदा प्रबंधन तंत्र की संरचना ही अपने आप में आपदा है। प्रकृति के कहर से तो हम जूझ नहीं पा रहे, अगर मानवजनित आपदाएं मसलन जैविक या आणविक हमला हो जाए तो फिर सब कुछ भगवान भरोसे ही होगा..', भी यही जाहिर करता है।

उल्लेखनीय है कि सुनामी के बाद जो राष्ट्रीय आपदा प्रबंधन प्राधिकरण बनाया गया था, उसका मकसद और कार्य क्या है यही अभी तय नहीं हो सका है। सालाना पांच हजार करोड़ से ज्यादा की आर्थिक क्षति का कारण बनने वाली आपदाओं से जूझने के लिए इसे साल में 348 करोड़ रुपये मिलते हैं और काम है लोगों को आपदाओं से बचने के लिए तैयार करना। पर बुनियादी सवाल यह है कि आपदा आने के बाद लोगों को बचाए कौन? यकीन मानिए कि जैसा तंत्र है उसमें लोग भगवान भरोसे ही बचते हैं।

आपदा प्रबंधन का हाल

इन सबों के बीच हमें गुजरात से आपदा प्रबंधन सीखना चाहिए जहां बीस मीटर की गहराई में दबे इंसान की धड़कन सुनने वाला यंत्र, गोताखोरों को लगातार 12 घंटे तक आक्सीजन देने वाला ब्रीदिंग सिस्टम, अंडर वाटर सर्च कैमरा, आधुनिक इन्फेलेटेबल बोट, हाई वाल्यूम वाटर पंपिंग..। आप सोच रहे होंगे कि यह किसी विकसित देश के राहत दल की तकनीकी क्षमता का ब्यौरा है। जी नहीं! यह और ऐसी तमाम क्षमताएं व विशेषज्ञताएं इसी देश के एक राज्य, गुजरात में मौजूद हैं और इन्हीं के बूते आपदाप्रबंधन के मामले में गुजरात विकसित देशों से मुकाबले की स्थिति में आ गया है।

सोलह सौ किलोमीटर से अधिक के समुद्री किनारे तथा भूकंप के मामले में सक्रिय अफगानिस्तान से प्लेट जुड़ा होने के कारण गुजरात पर हमेशा आपदाओं का खतरा बना रहता है। लेकिन गुजरात ने आपत्ति को अवसर में बदलते हुए आपदा प्रबंधन में एक अनोखी दक्षता हासिल की है। आज गुजरात की यह विशेषज्ञता व उपकरण बिहार के बाढ़ पीड़ितों की जान बचा रहे हैं। मुख्य फायर आफिसर एम.एफ. दस्तूर बताते है कि इजरायल का एक्वा स्टिक लिसनिंग डिवाइस सिस्टम उनकी आपदा टीम की धड़कन है। यह उपकरण जमीन के नीचे बीस मीटर की गहराई में दबे किसी इसान के दिल की धड़कन तक सुन लेता है। मोटर वाली जेट्स्की बोट और गोताखोरों को लगातार 12 घटे (आम ब्रीदिंग सिस्टम की क्षमता 45 मिनट तक आक्सीजन देने की है) तक आक्सीजन उपलब्ध कराने वाला अंडर वाटर ब्रीदिंग एपेरेटस भी सरकार के पास हैं।

यहां का आपदा प्रबंधन तंत्र आधुनिक मास्क, इन्फ्लेटेबल बोट, हाई वाल्यूम पंपिंग यूनिट आदि आधुनिक उपकरणों से लैस है। यहां आपदा प्रबंधन दल के पास नीदरलैंड का हाइड्रोलिक रेस्क्यू इक्विपमेंट भी है, जो मजबूत छत को फोड़ कर फर्श या गाड़ी में फंसे व्यक्ति को निकालने का रास्ता बनाता है। सरकार ने अग्निकांड से निपटने के लिए बड़ी संख्या में अल्ट्रा हाई प्रेशर फाइटिग सिस्टम भी खरीदे हैं। आम तौर पर आग बुझाने में किसी अन्य उपकरण से जितना पानी लगता है, यह सिस्टम उससे 15 गुना कम पानी में काम कर देता है। इसे अहमदाबाद के दाणीलीमड़ा मुख्य फायर स्टेशन ने डिजाइन किया है। यह आग पर पानी की एक चादर सी बिछा कर गर्मी सोख लेता है।

अमेरिका के सर्च कैमरे तथा स्वीडन के अंडर वाटर सर्च कैमरे भी सरकार ने अपनी राहत और बचाव टीमों को दिए हैं। ये उपकरण जमीन के दस फीट नीचे तथा 770 फीट गहरे पानी में भी तस्वीरे उतार कर वहां फंसे व्यक्ति का सटीक विवरण देते हैं। अमरीका की लाइन थ्रोइंग गन से बाढ़ में या ऊंची बिल्डिंग पर फंसे व्यक्ति तक गन के जरिए रस्सा फेंक कर उसे बचाया जा सकता है। राज्य की एम्बुलेंस सेवा 108 ने तो गंभीर वक्त पर बहुत अच्छे परिणाम दिए है। अब गुजरात में कहीं भी पंद्रह मिनट में एम्बुलेंस सेवा प्राप्त की जा सकती है। गुजरात ने महज एक वर्ष के भीतर भूकंप की विनाशलीला का कोई चिह्न नहीं रहने दिया.

वर्तमान में आपदा प्रबन्धन का सरकारी तंत्र देखें ता कैबिनेट सचिव, गृहमंत्रालय, राज्यों में मुख्यमंत्री, राष्ट्रीय आपदा प्रबन्धन विभाग और सेना इस तंत्र का हिस्सा हैं। यह भी सच है कि हमारे देश में आपदा प्रबन्धन की स्थिति ज्यादा ही लचर है। हमारे आपदा प्रबन्धन की कमजोर कड़ी लगभग हर आपदा में ढीली दिखी, लकिन हमने उसे मजबूत करन का प्रयास नहीं किया। मीडिया की भाषा में यह प्रशासनिक लापरवाहीअथवा न्यायपालिका की भाषा में आपराधिक निष्क्रियताहै। प्रभावी आपदा प्रबन्धन की पहली शर्त है जागरूकता और प्रभावित क्षेत्रा में तत्काल राहत एजेन्सी की पहुंच। यदि लोगों में आपदा की जागरूकता नहीं है तो तबाही भीषण होगी और राहत में दिक्कतें आएंगी। आपदा सम्भावित क्षेत्र में तो लोगों को बचाव की बुनियादी जानकारी देकर भी आपदा से होने वाली क्षति को कम किया जा सकता है। आपदा प्रबन्धन के बाकी तत्वों में ठीक नियोजन, समुचित संचार व्यवस्था, ईमानदार एवं प्रभावी नेतृत्व, समन्वय आदि काफी महत्वपूर्ण हैं। हमारे देश में व्यवस्था की सबसे बड़ी विडम्बना यह है कि यहां सब-एक दूसरे पर जिम्मेवारी डालते रहे हैं। एक अनुमान के मुताबिक औसतन 5 से 10 हजार करोड़ की आर्थिक क्षति तो प्रतिवर्ष प्राकृतिक आपदाओं से उठाते हैं लकिन इससे जूझन के लिये आपदा प्रबन्धन पर हमारा बजट महज 348 करोड़ रुपये है। इस धनराशि में अधिकांश प्रचार आदि पर ही खर्च हो जाता है। प्रशिक्षण की अभी तो तैयारी भी नहीं है। वर्ष 2005 में आपदा प्रबन्धन अधिनियम संसद ने पारित कर दिया है। इसके बाद से ही राष्ट्रीय आपदा प्रबन्धन प्राधिकरण का गठन किया गया है.

गुजरात भूकम्प के बाद वहां विकसित प्रभावी आपदा प्रबन्धन तंत्र एक मिसाल है। इस मॉडल को अन्य राज्य सरकारें अपना सकती हैं। इस समय गुजरात आपदा प्रबन्धन विभाग को विश्वस्तरीय आपदा प्रबन्ध्न संस्था के रूप में प्रस्तुत किया जा रहा है। यदि ऐसा है, तो अन्य राज्य सरकारों को भी अपना आपदा प्रबन्धन तंत्र मजबूत और प्रभावी बनाना चाहिए। बाढ़ प्रभावित इलाके में स्थानीय मदद से प्रत्येक गांव या दो-तीन गांवों पर एक आपदा राहत केन्द्र की स्थापना कर वहां दो-तीन महीन का अनाज, पर्याप्त साधन, जरूरी दवाएं, पशुओं का चारा, नाव, तारपोलीन व अन्य जरूरी चीजों का बाढ़ से पूर्व ही इन्तजाम सुनिश्चित किया जाना चाहिए। आज की सबसे बड़ी जरूरत है देश भर के इंजीनियरों, डाक्टरों, अफसरों, जनप्रतिनिधियों का ऐसी प्रशिक्षण दी जाए जो विषम से विषम परिस्थितियों में भी मजबूत मनोबल व पूरी क्षमता से कार्य कर सके । इस कार्य में अन्य स्वयंसेवी संगठनों, एनसीसी, एनएसएस, विविल डिफेंन्स, होमगार्ड, कालेज छात्रों को भी शामिल किया जाना चाहिए। आपदा प्रबन्धन में लापरवाही को राष्ट्रीय अपराध घोषित किया जाना चाहिए। हमें यह समझना ही होगा कि आपदा प्रबंधन की अनुपस्थिति समस्त उपलब्धियों पर पानी फेर सकती है।


भारत में आपदा प्रबंधन के विधिक ढांचे के विषय में और जानने के लिए इस लिंक पर क्लिक करें  http://mha.nic.in/hindi/pdfs_hin/NPDM%28H%29150110.pdf



THE SIGNIFICANCE OF COOPERATIVES FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE

Throughout the world today, societies are being torn apart due to the fact that various social groups and classes are not getting their due respect from other forces in society. Many societies are lacking social justice which could be seen as equal opportunity treatment of all persons in society. Various institutions have the responsibility to ensure this happens. Yet social justice is absent in many instances.

Cooperatives are based on principles and values that speak directly to the issue of social justice. Most traditional cooperatives follow the seven principles of cooperative identity, promoted by the International Cooperative Alliance (ICA), an Apex organization for cooperatives around the world. These principles call for the practice of democracy, equality, equity and solidarity. Cooperatives also embrace the ethical values of honesty, openness, social responsibility and caring for others.

With these principles and values at the core of cooperative operations, the poor, excluded and marginalized sectors of society are usually served well by cooperatives. The financial sector is one area where this has shown well. Financial cooperatives are some of the largest providers of micro-finance services to the poor. It is estimated that globally, financial cooperatives reach 78 million clients living below a poverty line of $2 per day. Financial cooperatives thus play a central role in the achievement of an inclusive financial sector that encompasses the poor.

Through their commitment to servicing the poor and under-served, financial cooperatives are helping to lessen the burden of poverty. Financial cooperatives, by providing savings products, help to reduce members’ vulnerabilities to shocks such as medical emergencies.

Cooperatives have also been instrumental in promoting inclusive development in rural areas, helping to both strengthen and diversify rural economies. Financial cooperatives provide access to credit for members who might not typically have access to the larger savings and commercial banks. This is significant in markets where financial providers are absent owing to poor revenue prospects, high risks, or high transaction costs. This access to financial services often supports the formation of small and micro businesses.

Cooperatives have also been able to strengthen agricultural production and improve access of poor farmers, especially through engaging in fair trade arrangements. Small farmers who struggle to create and sustain businesses of their own are able to increase farm revenues, lower marketing and information-gathering costs, as well as enter into high-value supply chains that they would not be able to do on their own.

While the need for more research cannot be denied, that which exists supports the idea that, if given the right supportive environment, cooperatives could help in profound ways to achieve social justice, where it is lacking. Empowering cooperatives to leverage their capacity to contribute to social justice requires a sound policy and legislative framework.

The International Year of Cooperatives 2012, declared by the United Nations General Assembly, is one means to raising awareness. By raising awareness of cooperatives – what they are and what they do – the IYC will empower cooperatives to promote their social justice values and encourage governments to create supportive policy and legislative frameworks, where needed.


Even with this support, the challenge of effective implementation of the cooperative principles and values cannot be ignored. The sound governance of cooperatives depends upon a well-informed and active membership base, dedicated to cooperative values and principles. To sustain the drive of cooperatives for social justice, a strong membership base, bound by the democratic one-member-one-vote principle, is essential to addressing weak or unethical management, capture by local politicians, or other conflicts of interests which could divert cooperatives from addressing social justice issues.

मंगलवार, 25 जून 2013

National Policy For Children-2012

Fundamental Rights [Article 15(3)] empowers the State to make special provisions for children. The Directive Principles of State Policy (Article 39) in the Constitution specifically guide the State in securing the tender age of children from abuse and ensuring that children are given opportunities and facilities to develop in a healthy manner in conditions of freedom and dignity.Ensuring survival, health and nutrition as an inalienable right of every child and special care for kids caught in sectarian violence are some of the features of the government’s Draft National Policy for Children, 2012. The Women and Child Development (WCD) ministry, which has revised the National Policy for Children for the first time  since it was adopted in 1974, has now put the draft policy, which defines any individual below the age of 18 years as child, in public domain inviting views before it is finalised.According to ministry officials, the policy would guide and inform all laws, policies, plans and programmes affecting children and all other actions of national, state and local Governments in relation to population below 18 years. Amongst the key priorities listed in the draft are making survival, health, nutrition, development, education, protection and participation undeniable rights of every child. As per the policy draft, every child has a right to be safeguarded against hunger, deprivation and malnutrition and the State would commit to securing this right through access, provision and promotion of required services and supports for holistic nurturing.

The State shall also take all necessary measures to improve maternal health care secure the right of the girl child and address discrimination of all forms in schools and foster equal opportunity. As per the draft policy, the state would take special protection measures to secure the rights and entitlements of children in difficult circumstances, in particular but not limited to, children affected by migration, displacement, communal or sectarian violence, civil unrest, disasters etc. Children of women in prostitution, children forced into prostitution and other abused and exploited children, those affected by HIV/AIDS, children with disabilities would also be eligible for state protection by the state.

The Cabinet approved the National Policy for Children, 2012 which recognises child survival, health, nutrition, education, development and protection as undeniable rights of every child. As per the National Child Policy every person below the age of eighteen years as a child and that childhood is an integral part of life with a value of its own. According to the policy, a long term, sustainable, multisectoral, integrated and inclusive approach is necessary for the harmonious development and protection of children. The policy lays down the guiding principles that must be respected by national, state and local governments in their actions and initiatives affecting children, a statement released by the government here said. The key guiding principles of the policy are the right of every child to life, survival, development, education, protection and participation, equal rights for all children without discrimination.

The best interest of the child should be a primary concern in all actions and decisions affecting children and family environment as the most conducive for all-round development of children. “The policy has identified survival, health, nutrition, education, development, protection and participation as the undeniable rights of every child, and has also declared these as key priority areas,” the statement released here said. The National Child policy also strives to create convergence and co-ordination across different sectors and levels of governance, partnerships with all stakeholders, setting up of a comprehensive knowledge base, provision of adequate resources; and sensitisation and capacity development of all those who work for and with children. The Policy reaffirms the government’s commitment to the realisation of the rights of all children in the country. It recognizes every person below the age of eighteen years as a child and that childhood is an integral part of life with a value of its own, and a long term, sustainable, multisectoral, integrated and inclusive approach is necessary for the harmonious development and protection of children. The policy lays down the guiding principles that must be respected by national, state and local governments in their actions and initiatives affecting children. Some of the key guiding principles are: the right of every child to life, survival, development, education, protection and participation; equal rights for all children without discrimination; the best interest of the child as a primary concern in all actions and decisions affecting children; and family environment as the most conducive for all-round development of children. The policy has identified survival, health, nutrition, education, development, protection and participation as the undeniable rights of every child, and has also declared these as key priority areas. As children’s needs are multisectoral, interconnected and require collective action, the policy aims at purposeful convergence and strong coordination across different sectors and levels of governance; active engagement and partnerships with all stakeholders; setting up of a comprehensive and reliable knowledge base; provision of adequate resources; and sensitization and capacity development of all those who work for and with children. A National Plan of Action will be developed to give effect to the policy and a National Coordination and Action Group (NCAG) will be constituted to monitor the progress of implementation. Similar plans and coordination and action groups will be constituted at the state and district levels. The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights and State Commissions for Protection of Child Rights are to ensure that the principles of the policy are respected in all sectors at all levels. There is a provision for review of the policy every five years. The Ministry of Women and Child Development will be the nodal ministry for overseeing and coordinating the implementation of the policy and will lead the review process.

The Ministry of Women and Child Development on 26 July 2012 drafted the National Policy for Children 2012. The revised draft policy reaffirms the government’s commitment towards children and addresses new challenges, seeking to realize the full potential of children’s rights throughout the country. It defines a child as a person below eighteen years of age, and acknowledges the inalienable and inherent rights of the child and aims to realize the full range of child rights for all children in the country. The draft has stated that every child has a right to be safeguarded against hunger, deprivation and malnutrition. According to the draft policy, the state is bound to secure the rights and entitlement of children in difficult circumstances such as migration, displacement, disasters and communal violence. The first National Policy on Children was formulated in 1974. The first policy of 1974 described children as a supremely important asset and made the state responsible for providing equal opportunities for growth and development of all children. The policy primarily focused on health and education of the children. The National Policy for Children (NPC), 1974 was adopted by the Government of India on 22 Aug 1974. This policy describes children as a supremely important asset of the nation and makes the State responsible to provide basic services to children both before and after birth, and also during their growing years and different stages of development. The recognition of the child as a person with inherent and inalienable rights, made it necessary to revise the 1974 policy for introducing rights-based perspectives to child development and protection. Thus, the Ministry of Women and Child Development in India has taken up the framing of a revised National Policy for Children which aims to cover the full range of child rights.

Features Of The National Policy For Children

The Women and Child Development (WCD) ministry, has revised the National Policy for Children for the first time since it was adopted in 1974.

·         Defines any individual below the age of 18 years as child,

·       The policy would guide and inform all laws, policies, plans and programmes affecting children and all other actions of national, state and local Governments in relation to population below 18 years.

·         As per the policy , every child has a right to be safeguarded against hunger, deprivation and malnutrition and the State would commit to securing this right through  access, provision and promotion of required services and supports for holistic nurturing.
·
·         The State shall also take all necessary measures to improve maternal health care secure the right of the girl child and address discrimination of all forms in schools and foster equal opportunity.

·         As per the policy, the state would take special protection measures to secure the rights and entitlements of children in difficult circumstances, in particular but not limited to, children affected by migration, displacement, communal or sectarian violence, civil unrest, disasters etc.

·         Children of women in prostitution, children forced into prostitution and other abused and exploited children, those affected by HIV/AIDS, children with disabilities would also be eligible for state protection by the state.

The policy has identified the following as the universal, inalienable and undeniable rights of every child, and has also declared these as key priority areas:

·         Survival,
·         Health,
·         Nutrition,
·         Development,
·         Education,
·         Protection and
·         Participation

Nodal Agencies

·         The Ministry of Women and Child development (MWCD) will be the nodal Ministry for overseeing and coordinating the implementation of this Policy.

·         A National Coordination and Action Group (NCAG) f o r Children will monitor progress and ensure that the principles of this Policy are respected in all sectors at all levels in formulating laws, policies and programmes affecting children.

·         Plans of Action at the national and state level will facilitate action on the provisions of this Policy. The NCAG will monitor the progress of implementation under these Plans.

Area of Concerns

·         The policy does not mention how it will ensure child participation at various levels of governance.

·       Neither operational guidelines to pursue the policy nor institutional mechanisms in terms of making various ministries responsible are mentioned in the policy.

·         No goal and / or target with regard to the Educational, Health, Nutrition and Protection rights of children is mentioned in the policy document.


·      The policy does not make clear commitments on budgets of various ministries, nor protection of existing special entitlements to disadvantaged and vulnerable children.

कुल पेज दृश्य