मंगलवार, 12 फ़रवरी 2013

Economic vocabulary of 'R'


R squared
An indicator of the reliability of a relationship identified by regression analysis. An r2 of 0.8 indicates that 80% of the change in one variable is explained by a change in the related variable.
Random walk
Impossible to predict the next step. Efficient market theory says that the prices of many financial assets, such as shares, follow a random walk. In other words, there is no way of knowing whether the next change in the price will be up or down, or by how much it will rise or fall. The reason is that in an efficient market, all the information that would allow an investor to predict the next price move is already reflected in the current price. This belief has led some economists to argue that investors cannot consistently outperform the market. But some economists argue that asset prices are predictable (they follow a non-random walk) and that markets are not efficient.
Rate of return
A way to measure economic success, albeit one that can be manipulated quite easily. It is calculated by expressing the economic gain (usually profit) as a percentage of the capital used to produce it. Deciding what number to use for profit is rarely simple. Likewise, totaling up how much capital was used can be tricky, especially if it is expanded to include intangible assets and human capital. When firms are evaluating a project to decide whether to go ahead with it, they estimate the project's expected rate of return and compare it with their cost of capital.
Rate of return regulation
An approach to regulation often used for a public utility to stop it exploiting monopoly power. A public utility is forbidden to earn above a certain rate of return decided by the regulator. In practice, this often encourages the utility to be inefficient, slow to innovate and quick to spend money on such things as big offices and executive jets, to keep down its profit and thus the rate of return. Contrast with price regulation.
Ratings
A guide to the riskiness of a financial instrument provided by a ratings agency, such as moody's, standard and poor's and Fitch Ibca. These measures of credit quality are mostly offered on marketable government and corporate debt. A triple-a or a++ rating represents a low risk of default; a c or d rating an extreme risk of, or actual, default. Debt prices and yields often (but not always) reflect these ratings. A triple-a bond has a low yield. High-yielding bonds, also known as junk bonds, usually have a rating that suggests a high risk of default.
A series of financial market crises from the mid-1990s onwards led to growing debate about the reliability of ratings, and whether they were slow to give warning of impending trouble. After the Enron debacle, which again the ratings agencies had failed to predict, some critics argued that the big three agencies had formed a cozy oligopoly and that encouraging more competition was the way to improve ratings.
Rational expectations
How some economists believe that people think about the future? Nobody can predict the future perfectly; but rational expectations theory assumes that, over time, unexpected events (shocks) will cancel out each other and that on average people's expectations about the future will be accurate. This is because they form their expectations on a rational basis, using all the information available to them optimally, and learn from their mistakes. This is in contrast to other theories of how people look ahead, such as adaptive expectations, in which people base their predictions on past trends and changes in trends, and behavioral economics, which assumes that expectations are somewhat irrational as a result of psychological biases.
The theory of rational expectations, for which Robert Lucas won the Nobel Prize for economics, initially became popular with monetarists because it seemed to prove that Keynesian policies of demand management would fail. With rational expectations, people learn to anticipate government policy changes and act accordingly; since macroeconomic fine tuning requires that governments be able to fool people, this implies that it is usually futile. Subsequently, this conclusion has been challenged. However, rational and near-rational expectations have become part of the mainstream of economic thought.
Rationing
Although economists say that rationing is what the price mechanism does, what most people think of as rationing is an alternative to letting prices determine how scarce economic resources, goods and services are distributed.  Non-price rationing is often used when the distribution decided by market forces is perceived to be unfair. Rationing may lead to the creation of a black market, as people sell their rations to those willing to pay a high price.
Real exchange rate
An exchange rate that has been adjusted to take account of any difference in the rate of inflation in the two countries whose currency is being exchanged.
Real options theory
A newish theory of how to take investment decisions when the future is uncertain, which draws parallels between the real economy and the use and valuation of financial options. It is becoming increasingly fashionable at business schools and even in the boardroom.
Traditional investment theory says that when a firm evaluates a proposed project, it should calculate the project's net present value (npv) and if it is positive, go ahead.
Real options theory assumes that firms also have some choice in when to invest. In other words, the project is like an option: there is an opportunity, but not an obligation, to go ahead with it. As with financial options, the interesting question is when to exercise the option: certainly not when it is out of the money (the cost of investing exceeds the benefit). Financial options should not necessarily be exercised as soon as they are in the money (the benefit from exercising exceeds the cost). It may be better to wait until it is deep in the money (the benefit is far above the cost). Likewise, companies should not necessarily invest as soon as a project has a positive npv. It may pay to wait.
Most firms' investment opportunities have embedded in them many managerial options. For instance, consider an oil company whose bosses think they have discovered an oil field, but they are uncertain about how much oil it contains and what the price of oil will be once they start to pump. Option one: to buy or lease the land and explore? Option two: if they find oil, to start to pump? Whether to exercise these options will depend on the oil price and what it is likely to do in future. Because oil prices are highly volatile, it might not make sense to go ahead with production until the oil price is far above the price at which traditional investment theory would say that the npv is positive and give the investment the green light.
Options on real assets behave rather like financial options (a share option, say). The similarities are such that they can, at least in theory, be valued according to the same methodology. In the case of the oil company, for instance, the cost of land corresponds to the down-payment on a call (right to buy) option, and the extra investment needed to start production to its strike price (the money that must be paid if the option is exercised). As with financial options, the longer the option lasts before it expires and the more volatile is the price of the underlying asset (in this case, oil) the more the option is worth. This is the theory. In practice, pricing financial options is often tricky, and valuing real options is harder still.
Real terms
A measure of the value of money that removes the effect of inflation. Contrast with nominal value.
Recession
Broadly speaking, a period of slow or negative economic growth, usually accompanied by rising unemployment. Economists have two more precise definitions of a recession. The first, which can be hard to prove, is when an economy is growing at less than its long-term trend rate of growth and has spare capacity. The second is two consecutive quarters of falling GDP.
Reciprocity
Doing as you are done by. A grants b certain privileges on the condition that b grants the same privileges to a. Most international economic agreements, for example, on trade, include binding reciprocity requirements.
Redlining
Not lending to people in certain poor or troubled neighborhoods – drawn with a red line on a map – simply because they live there, regardless of their credit-worthiness judged by other criteria.
Reflation
Policies to pump up demand and thus boost the level of economic activity. Monetarists fear that such policies may simply result in higher inflation.
Regional policy
A policy intended to boost economic activity in a specific geographical area that is not an entire country and, typically, is in worse economic shape than nearby areas. It can include offering firms incentives to provide jobs in the region, such as soft loans, grants, lower taxes, cheap land and buildings, subsidized labour and worker training. Is it necessary? A region's problems should be somewhat self-correcting. After all, simple theories of supply and demand would suggest that firms will move to areas of low wages and high unemployment to take advantage of cheaper labour and surplus workers, or those workers will move away from such areas to where more and better-paid jobs exist. But some economic theories suggest that rather than moving to areas where wages are lowest, firms often cluster together with other successful businesses. Regional policy may need to be extremely generous to tempt firms to give up the advantages of being in a cluster.
Regression analysis
Number-crunching to discover the relationship between different economic variables. The findings of this statistical technique should always be taken with a pinch of salt. How big a pinch can vary considerably and is indicated by the degree of statistical significance and r squared. The relationship between a dependent variable (gdp, say) and a set of explanatory variables (demand, interest rates, capital, unemployment, and so on) is expressed as a regression equation.
Regressive tax
A tax that takes a smaller proportion of income as the taxpayer’s income rises, for example, a fixed-rate vehicle tax that eats up a much larger slice of a poor person’s income than a rich person’s income. This goes against the principle of vertical equity, which many people think should be at the heart of any fair tax system.
Regulation
Rules governing the activities of private-sector enterprises. Regulation is often imposed by government, either directly or through an appointed regulator. However, some industries and professions impose rules on their members through self-regulation.
Regulation is often introduced to tackle market failure. Externalities such as pollution have inspired rules limiting factory emissions. Regulations on the selling of financial products to individuals have been introduced as protection against unscrupulous financial firms with better information than their customers. Rate of return regulation and price regulation have been used to combat natural monopoly, sometimes instead of nationalization. Some regulation has been motivated by politics rather than economics, for instance, restrictions on the number of hours people can work or the circumstances in which an employer can dismiss employees.
Even when introduced for sound economic reasons, regulation can generate more costs than benefits. Regulated firms or individuals may face substantial compliance costs. Firms may devote substantial resources to regulatory arbitrage, which would leave consumers no better off. Regulation may lead to moral hazard if people believe that the government is keeping an eye on the behavior of the regulated business and so do less monitoring of their own. Regulation may be badly designed and thus lock an industry into an inefficient equilibrium. Rigid regulation may hold back innovation. There is also the danger of regulatory capture. In short, then, regulatory failure may be even worse for an economy than market failure.
Regulatory arbitrage
Exploiting loopholes in regulation, and perhaps making the regulation useless in the process. This is often done by international investors that use derivatives to find ways around a country’s financial regulations.
Regulatory capture
Gamekeeper turns poacher or, at least, helps poacher. The theory of regulatory capture was set out by Richard Posner, an economist and lawyer at the university of Chicago, who argued that “regulation is not about the public interest at all, but is a process, by which interest groups seek to promote their private interest ... Over time, regulatory agencies come to be dominated by the industries regulated.” Most economists are less extreme, arguing that regulation often does well but is always at risk of being captured by the regulated firms.
Regulatory failure
When regulation generates more economic costs than benefits.
Regulatory risk
A risk faced by private-sector firms that regulatory changes will hurt their business. In competitive markets, regulatory risk is usually small. But in natural monopoly industries, such as electricity distribution, it may be huge. To ensure that regulatory risk does not deter private firms from offering their services, a government wishing to change its regulations may have good reason to compensate private firms that suffer losses as a result of the change.
Relative income hypothesis
People often care more about their relative well being than their absolute well being. Someone who prefers a $100 a week pay rise when a colleague gets $50 to both of them gets a $200 increase, for example. Poor people may consume more of their income than rich people do because they want to reduce the gap in their consumption levels. The relative income hypothesis, set out by James duesenberry, says that a household's consumption depends partly on its income relative to other families. Contrast with permanent income hypothesis.
Rent
Confusingly, rent has two different meanings for economists. The first is the commonplace definition: the income from hiring out land or other durable goods. The second, also known as economic rent, is a measure of market power: the difference between what a factor of production is paid and how much it would need to be paid to remain in its current use. A soccer star may be paid $50,000 a week to play for his team when he would be willing to turn out for only $10,000, so his economic rent is $40,000 a week. In perfect competition, there are no economic rents, as new firms enter a market and compete until prices fall and all rent is eliminated. Reducing rent does not change production decisions, so economic rent can be taxed without any adverse impact on the real economy, assuming that it really is rent.
Rent-seeking
Cutting yourself a bigger slice of the cake rather than making the cake bigger. Trying to make more money without producing more for customers. Classic examples of rent-seeking, a phrase coined by an economist, Gordon bullock, include:
A protection racket, in which the gang takes a cut from the shopkeeper's profit;
A cartel of firms agreeing to raise prices;
A union demanding higher wages without offering any increase in productivity;
Lobbying the government for tax, spending or regulatory policies that benefit the lobbyists at the expense of taxpayers or consumers or some other rivals.
Whether legal or illegal, as they do not create any value, rent-seeking activities can impose large costs on an economy.
Replacement cost
What it would cost today to replace a firm's existing assets.
Replacement rate
The fertility rate required in a country to keep its population steady. In rich countries, this is usually reckoned to be 2.1 children per woman, the extra 0.1 reflecting the likelihood that some children will die before their parents. In poorer countries with higher infant mortality, the replacement rate may be much higher. In many countries, since the early 1990s the fertility rate has fallen below the replacement rate. There has been much debate about why, and much agreement that, if this trend continues, those countries may face long-term problems such as a relatively growing proportion of retired older people having to be supported by a relatively shrinking proportion of younger people.
Repo
Agreements in which one party sells a security to another party and agrees to buy it back on a specified date for a specified price. Central banks deal in short-term repos to provide liquidity to the financial system, buying securities from banks with cash on the condition that the banks will repurchase them a few weeks later.
Required return
The minimum expected return you require from an investment to be willing to go ahead with it.
Rescheduling
Changing the payment schedule for a debt by agreement between borrower and lender. This is usually done when the borrower is struggling to make payments under the original schedule. Rescheduling can involve reducing interest ­payments but extending the period over which they are collected; putting back the date of repayment of the loan; reducing interest payments but increasing the amount that has to be repaid eventually; and so on. The rescheduling may or may not require the lender to bear some financial loss. The rescheduling may or may not require the lender to bear some financial loss. The rescheduling of loans to countries usually takes place through the Paris club and London club.
Reservation wage
The lowest wage for which a person will work.
Reserve currency
A foreign currency held by a government or central bank as part of a country’s reserves. Outside the United States the dollar is the most widely used reserve currency. Everywhere the euro is increasingly widely used.
Reserve ratio
The fraction of its deposits that a bank holds as reserves.
Reserve requirements
Regulations governing the minimum amount of reserves that a bank must hold against deposits.
Reserves
Money in the hand, available to be used to meet planned future payments or if some other need arises. Firms may put their reserves in a bank, as a deposit. For a bank, reserves are those deposits it retains rather than lending them out.
Residual risk
When you buy an asset you become exposed to a bundle of different risks. Many of these risks are not unique to the asset you own but reflect broader possibilities, such as that the stock market average will rise or fall, that interest rates will be cut or increased, or that the growth rate will change in an entire economy or industry. Residual risk, also known as alpha, is what is left after you take out all the other shared risk exposures. Exposure to this risk can be reduced by diversification. Contrast with systematic risk.
Restrictive practice
A general term for anything done by a firm, or firms, to inhibit competition. Generally against the law.
Returns
The rewards for doing business. Returns usually refer to profit and can be measured in various ways.
Revealed preference
An example of a popular joke among economists: two economists see a Ferrari. 'I want one of those,' says the first. 'Obviously not,' replies the other. To get a smile out of this it is necessary (but not, alas, sufficient) to know about revealed preference. This is the notion that what you want is revealed by what you do, not by what you say. Actions speak louder than words. If the economist had really wanted a Ferrari he would have tried to buy one, if he did not own one already.
Economists have three main approaches to modeling demand and how it will change if prices or incomes change.
The cardinal approach involves asking consumers to say how much utility they get from consuming a particular good, aggregating this across all goods and services, and calculating how demand would change on the assumption that people will consume the combination of things that maximizes their total utility.
The ordinal approach does not require consumers to say how much utility they get in absolute terms from consuming a particular good. Instead, it asks them to indicate the relative utility they get from consuming one item compared with another that is, to say if they prefer one basket of goods to another, or are indifferent between them.
The third approach is revealed preference. To model demand it is only necessary to be able to compare an individual's consumption decisions in situations with different prices and/or incomes and to assume that consumers are consistent in their decisions over time (that is, if they prefer wine to beer in one period they will still prefer wine in the next).
Ricardian equivalence
The controversial idea, suggested by David Ricardo, that government deficits do not affect the overall level of demand in an economy. This is because taxpayers know that any deficit has to be repaid later, and so increase their savings in anticipation of a tax bill. Thus government attempts to stimulate an economy by increasing public spending and/or cutting taxes will be rendered impotent by the private-sector reaction.
Risk
The chance of things not turning out as expected. Risk taking lies at the heart of capitalism and is responsible for a large part of the growth of an economy. In general, economists assume that people are willing to be exposed to increased risks only if, on average, they can expect to earn higher returns than if they had less exposure to risk. How much higher these expected returns need to be depends partly on the probability of an undesirable outcome and partly on whether the risk taker is risk averse, risk neutral or risk seeking.
During the second half of the 20th century, economists greatly improved their understanding of risk and developed theories of risk management, which suggest when it makes sense to use insurance, diversification or hedging to change risk exposures.
In financial markets the most commonly used measure of risk is the volatility (or standard deviation) of the price of, or more appropriately the total returns on, an asset. Often added to the risk profile are other statistical measures such as skewness and the possibility of extreme changes on rare occasions.
Risk averse                                                                                
Someone who thinks risk is a four-letter word. Risk-averse investors are those who, when faced with two investments with the same expected return but two different risks, prefer the one with the lower risk.
Risk management
The process of bearing the risk you want to bear, and minimising your exposure to the risk you do not want. This can be done in several ways: not doing things that carry a particular risk; hedging; diversification; and buying insurance.
Risk neutral
Someone who is insensitive to risk. Risk-neutral investors are indifferent between an investment with a certain outcome and a risky investment with the same expected returns but an uncertain outcome. Such people are few and far between.
Risk premium
The extra return that investors require to hold a risky asset instead of a risk-free one; the difference between the expected returns from a risky investment and the risk-free rate.
Risk seeking
Someone who cannot get enough risk. ­risk-seeking investors prefer an investment with an uncertain outcome to one with the same expected returns and certainty that it will deliver them.
Risk-free rate
The rate of return earned on a risk-free asset. This is a crucial component of modern portfolio theory, which assumes the existence of both risky and risk-free assets. The risk-free asset is usually assumed to be a government bond, and the risk-free rate is the yield on that bond, although in fact even a treasury is not entirely without risk. In modern portfolio theory, the risk-free rate is lower than the expected return on the risky asset, because the issuer of the risky asset has to offer risk averse investors the expectation of a higher return to persuade them to forgo the risk-free asset.

सोमवार, 11 फ़रवरी 2013

Women s Cricket World Cup



The ICC Women's Cricket World Cup is the premier international championship of women's One Day International cricket. The event is organised by the sport's governing body, the International Cricket Council (ICC). It was originally administered by the International Women's Cricket Council until the two associations merged in 2005. The first tournament was held in England in 1973, two years before the first men's tournament.

Participation in the tournament has varied through the eight competitions: fifteen different teams have played, but only Australia, England and New Zealand have appeared in every tournament. India have appeared in all but two of the competitions, and these four teams are the only ones to have appeared in the final of the competition. Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago and Young England have all appeared in just one tournament: in each case, the first competition, in 1973.

YEAR
VENUE
WINNER
RUNNER-UP
1973
England
England
Australia
1978
India
Australia
England
1982
New Zealand
Australia
England
1988
Australia
Australia
England
1993
England
England
New Zealand
1997
India
Australia
New Zealand
2000
New Zealand
New Zealand
Australia
2005
South Africa
Australia
India
2009
Australia
England
New Zealand


1973 - England
Winner: England
Runner-up: Australia
Teams: 7

The inaugural Women's World Cup in 1973 was a seven-team round robin event, between England, Australia, an International XI, Jamaica, New Zealand, Trinidad and Tobago and Young /England. Funded by Sir Jack Hayward, a wealthy English benefactor living in the Bahamas, the tournament lasted six weeks and was played across the UK as far afield as Hove, York, Liverpool and Swansea.

The tournament got off to a damp start, with rain postponing the first ever scheduled match between Jamaica and New Zealand, and the first completed match saw Australia defeat England's Young Women by seven wickets as the youngsters made just 57 all out.

The first centurions in the history of the competition were England's Enid Bakewell and Lynne Thomas, who both compiled centuries against an International Women's XI, while Glenys Page had the first five-wicket haul in the competition when she took 6-20 against Trinidad and Tobago. Although England lost to New Zealand in the round robin stages, they were clearly the strongest side along with Australia in the competition and it was no surprise that it went down to the final game of the competition between the two sides at Edgbaston in Birmingham to decide the winner of the event.
After winning the toss, Rachel Heyhoe-Flint's England side batted first and posted an impressive 279-3 in 60 overs, the highest score of the tournament, with Enid Bakewell, who came to be regarded as one of the greatest English players of all time, making 118. In reply, Australia lost regular wickets and fell well short of its target reaching 187-9 off 60 overs handing England victory in the tournament. 


1978 - India
Winner: Australia
Runner-up: England
Teams: 4 



The Women's World Cup in 1978 was a four team 50-over tournament between Australia, England, India and New Zealand. The event had been due to be played in South Africa, but anti-apartheid sanctions meant that the two-week tournament was switched to India. Played on a round-robin basis, the event was only six games and didn't even have a Final. The tournament began on New Year's Day and Australia defeated New Zealand by 77 runs, while England cruised to a nine-wicket win over the hosts after India had made just 63 all out. In the next set of matches, New Zealand cantered to a 9-wicket defeat over India, while Australia also comprehensively defeated the hosts.

Knowing that two consecutive wins would seal the Women's World Cup for the second occasion, 4-29 from Jacqueline Court set England on the way to a seven-wicket triumph over New Zealand. Once again, Australia and England were left playing the decisive game and the last group match had effectively become a final. Batting first, England had a disaster making just 96-8 in 50 overs as they struggled to come to terms with the Australian attack. Opening bowler Sharon Tredrea took 4-25, while off-break bowler Peta Verco and medium pacer Sharyn Hill also took two wickets. In reply skipper Margaret Jennings, from Victoria, was outstanding and her 57*, her highest ODI score, ensured an eight-wicket win with 18.3 overs to spare.


1982 - New Zealand
Winner: Australia
Runner-up: England
Teams: 5 

The five-team event, hosted in New Zealand, had a new structure for 1982, with Australia, England, New Zealand, India and an International XI Women all taking part.Each side met each other on three occasions in the event, which lasted less than a month. Incredibly there were two tied matches in the event, with New Zealand (147-9) and England (147-8) involved in a dramatic second match of the event, while England (167-8) and Australia (167 all out) also couldn't be separated in a Group Stage game.

The International X1 struggled throughout the tournament, losing all twelve matches, although Lynne Thomas (who was Welsh but had represented England in the inaugural event) gave the team some respectability as she was the second top run scorer overall. Once again, Australia and England contested the Final and it was certainly a game to remember. Batting first, England had made 151-5 in 60 overs, before Australia reached its target of 152-7 with just six balls remaining.



1988 - Australia
Winner: Australia
Runner-up: England
Teams: 5



Teams had to wait six years for the next competition, which was held for the first time in Australia. The format had changed once again to become a five-team round-robin event where Teams played each other twice in the pool stages. The top two Teams in this group progressed to the final and for the first time there was a third place play-off. The Netherlands, making its debut at this level, joined Australia, England and New Zealand in the competition, with Ireland also competing for the first time. But the Dutch had a terrible start to the competition when it lost to Australia by 255 runs after making just 29 all out and went on to lose all eight matches it played in the competition.
Lindsay Reeler made 143* in that match for Australia and went on to be the highest scorer in the tournament, scoring 448 runs at an average of 149.33. Australia also had the leading bowler at the event as slow left-arm bowler Lyn Fullston, who tragically died at the age of 52 in June 2008, was the star with the ball taking 16 wickets in the event. Unsurprisingly, it was Australia-England in the final for the fourth consecutive tournament, in a game that was played at the Melbourne Cricket Ground.
Batting first England made just 127-7, with Fullston picking up 3-29, before an unbroken third-wicket stand between Reeler (59*) and Denise Annetts (48*) helped the home side to an eight-wicket triumph.


1993 - England
Winner: England
Runner-up: New Zealand
Teams: 8 



The Women's World Cup returned to England for the first time in twenty years with a new eight-team format. Each of the eight Teams, which included Australia, Denmark, England, India, Ireland, Netherlands, New Zealand and West Indies, played each other once in the pool format with the top two progressing to the final at Lord's Cricket Ground.

The hosts got its campaign off to a great start with a 239-run win over Denmark, but slipped to a disappointing defeat in its second match against New Zealand when chasing a target of just 128. Reigning champions Australia looked on course to regain its title as it recorded wins over Netherlands, India, West Indies and Ireland, before two defeats against England and New Zealand meant it didn't even qualify for the final.

So the big day at Lord's was contested by England, who had relied upon the prolific Jan Brittin, who ended as the tournament's leading run scorer, and New Zealand, whose opening bowler Julie Harris eventually finished as top wicket taker along with England skipper Karen Smithies. In front of a large home crowd, England made 195-5 off 60 overs with Brittin (48) and Carole Hodges (45), who had also been in impressive form throughout the event, top scoring. New Zealand's batting struggled to cope with the English bowlers and at one stage had been reduced to 71-5. Further wickets continued to fall on a regular basis and in the end it fell 67 runs short of its target, with Jo Chamberlain picking up the Player of the Match Award for a quick-fire 38 off 33 balls and the important wicket of Kirsty Bond (now known as Flavell).




1997 - India
Winner: Australia
Runner-up: New Zealand
Teams: 11


India hosted the Women's World Cup for the second time and was keen to use home advantage to break Australia and England's dominance of the competition. With 11 teams taking part, including Pakistan and South Africa for the first time, the tournament was structured into two pools for the first time with round-robin matches in each group leading to semi-final qualification for the top two sides.

In Group A, Australia topped the group, with England, South Africa, Ireland, Denmark and Pakistan finishing behind in that order. In Group B, New Zealand and India both qualified for the semi-finals, with Netherlands, Sri Lanka and the West Indies also involved in that group.

In the first semi-final Australia won a tightly contested semi-final against India by 19 runs, despite having made just 123-7 in a 32-over per side match. And New Zealand reached the final for the second consecutive occasion with an excellent 20-run win as England fell narrowly short of its target.

Batting first in the final, only opener Debbie Hockley put up any proper resistance for the Kiwis as her 79 helped her side record a respectable 164 all out. A 52-run contribution from skipper Belinda Clark was key for Australia as it won the game with five wickets still in hand.


2000 - New Zealand
Winner: New Zealand
Runner-up: Australia
Teams: 8 



New Zealand played host to the four-week eight-team event in 2000, with the top eight sides in the world playing on a round-robin basis in a 50-over per side competition, with the top four going through to the semi-finals. Australia were outstanding in the group stages, winning all seven matches, while arguably the biggest shock was England's failure to make the semi-finals as South Africa took a place in the top four of the group stages. 

New Zealand, who defeated India by nine wickets, and Australia, who also won by nine wickets against South Africa, coasted through the semi-finals to set up the final the home crowd had wanted and it proved to be a classic.Batting first, New Zealand made 184 all out in 48.4 overs, which many felt was well below par, with Kathryn Ramel top scoring with 41 and Cathryn Fitzpatrick taking 3-52. 

But the Kiwis, cheered on by a passionate crowd, got off to the perfect start when they reduced the opposition to 2-2 with Lisa Keightley and Karen Rolton falling early. But skipper Belinda Clark proved to be a much tougher obstacle to remove and her 91 off 102 balls looked to have set her side on her way to victory until she fell leaving the score at 150-7 with 8.5 overs remaining. Further wickets tumbled, including the controversial dismissal of Cathryn Fitzpatrick, which left Australia needing five runs from six balls with one wicket remaining. 

Experienced off-spinner Clare Nicholson was brought on to bowl when skipper Emily Drumm finally realised she hadn't bowled her 10-over allocation and off the very first ball Charmaine Mason was caught behind by Rebecca Rolls. It was probably the greatest match in women's cricket history! 



2005 - South Africa
Winner: Australia
Runner-up: India
Teams: 8 



South Africa was the host to the Women's World Cup in 2005, the last to be played under the banner of the International Women's Cricket Council before the merger with the ICC, with the competition played under the same format as the previous event. Competing in the tournament were Australia, England, India, Ireland, New Zealand, South Africa, Sri Lanka and the West Indies. Rain caused the first three matches to be abandoned, before Australia got its event off to a terrific start with a 32-run win over holders New Zealand.

Australia again dominated the campaign, winning all five of the matches it completed, while India's aggressive hitting over the top saw it finish in second place in the pool stages. There were some close and hard fought group matches, most notably South Africa's one-run win over the West Indies, but it was an extremely disappointing campaign for the hosts, who even failed to secure a top six place which meant it was forced to qualify for the 2009 event.

Old enemies England and Australia met in the semi-final and Belinda Clark's side proved to be far too strong for England as they reached a target of 159 with five wickets and 18 balls remaining. And India kept up its good form in the semi-finals, with Mithali Raj's brilliant 91 not out a vital factor in a comfortable 40-run win. But it could not keep that form up for the final and a century from Karen Rolton, not to mention four Indian run outs, led to a comprehensive 98-run win for Australia.
 


2009-England
Winner: England
Runner-up: New Zealand
Teams: 8



March 2009 saw three of the greatest weeks in the history of the women's game, with the first ever Women's World Cup held under the ICC banner.Matches at the ICC Women's World Cup in Australia were broadcast to a global audience of 230 countries, providing unprecedented exposure to women's cricket; the games featured new-found levels of power hitting, quick bowling and dynamic fielding; while famous names, such as Wasim Akram, were amongst the many new converts to women's cricket.

Most impressively of all, a young generation of English stars provided inspiration to its supporters on the other side of the world by completing a sensational turnaround in its fortunes to grab its first World Cup in 16 years. Apart from the hosts, New Zealand, England, India, Pakistan, South Africa, Sri Lanka and West Indies competed in the tournament.

Australia, India, England, New Zealand, Sri Lanka and West Indies, qualified directly by finishing in the top six in the previous edition. The last two places were awarded to Pakistan and South Africa as the two finalists of the ICC Women's Cricket World Cup Qualifier in 2008. The eight teams were divided into two groups of four each. Australia, New Zealand were drawn together in Group A alongside South Africa and the West Indies, while India and Pakistan contested Group B along with England and Sri Lanka.

The top three teams in each group, New Zealand, England, India, Australia, Pakistan and West Indies made it to the Super Six Stage, where New Zealand and England advanced to the final. Nicki Shaw's brilliant spell of 4 for 34 restricted New Zealand to 166 in 47.2 overs in the final. In its reply, England overhauled the target in 46.1 overs with four wickets to spare thanks to Caroline Atkins' patient 40 off 85 balls.

While England's victory was impressive, the global game received a huge boost, with some of the less experienced sides in the event pushing higher ranked teams, suggesting that standards are improving around the world. Pakistan provided one of the surprise stories of the event, defeating Sri Lanka for the first time in 19 ODI matches to make it through to the Super Six, where it also defeated the West Indies, although it was later to lose the fifth/sixth play-off to the same opposition.

Economic vocabulary of 'Q'


Quantity theory of money
The foundation stone of monetarism. The theory says that the quantity of money available in an economy determines the value of money. Increases in the money supply are the main cause of inflation. This is why Milton Friedman claimed that 'inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon'.
The theory is built on the fisher equation, mv = pt, named after Irving fisher (1867-1947). M is the stock of money, v is the velocity of circulation, p is the average price level and t is the number of transactions in the economy. The equation says, simply and obviously, that the quantity of money spent equals the quantity of money used. The quantity theory, in its purest form, assumes that v and t are both constant, at least in the short-run. Thus any change in m leads directly to a change in p. In other words, increase the money supply and you simply cause inflation.
In the 1930s, Keynes challenged this theory, which was orthodoxy until then. Increases in the money supply seemed to lead to a fall in the velocity of circulation and to increases in real income, contradicting the classical dichotomy (see monetary neutrality). Later, monetarists such as Friedman conceded that v could change in response to variations in m, but did so only in stable, predictable ways that did not challenge the thrust of the theory. Even so, monetarist policies did not perform well when they were applied in many countries during the 1980s, as even Friedman has since conceded.
Quartile
Part of the “ile” family those signposts positions on a scale of numbers. The top quartile on, say, the distribution of income, is the richest 25% of the population.
Queuing
Market failure? Not necessarily. Usually a queue reflects a price that is set too low, so that demand exceeds supply, so some customers have to wait to buy the product. But a queue may also be the result of deliberate rationing by a producer, perhaps to attract attention - by a restaurant that wants to appear popular, say. Customers may regard a queue, such as a waiting list for health treatment, as a fairer way to distribute the product than using the price mechanism.
Quota
A form of protectionism. A country imposes limits on the number of goods that can be imported from another country. For instance, France may limit the number of cars imported from Japan to, say, 20,000 a year. As a result of limiting supply, the price of the imported good is higher than it would be under free trade, thus making life easier for domestic producers.

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